Uganda| Planet & Commerce
A Ugandan court has refused to grant bail to Dr. Kizza Besigye, the country’s most prominent opposition figure, who has been imprisoned for nearly nine months on treason charges. The decision has ignited a storm of political criticism, fuelling fears of an intensified crackdown on dissent as Uganda heads toward a tense national election early next year.
Judge Emmanuel Baguma ruled on Friday that the 180-day constitutional limit for mandatory bail had not yet elapsed in Besigye’s case. His lawyers had argued that he had already surpassed that period without trial, but the court counted the days only from February 21, when his case was transferred from a military tribunal to a civilian court — effectively resetting the clock.
Once a close ally and personal physician to President Yoweri Museveni, Besigye broke ranks in the late 1990s, emerging as Museveni’s fiercest political rival. He has run against the 80-year-old president in four presidential elections — in 2001, 2006, 2011, and 2016 — losing each time but rejecting the results, citing voter intimidation, electoral fraud, and state-orchestrated violence.
Besigye has been arrested dozens of times, often on politically charged accusations, including in 2022 on allegations of inciting violence. He has yet to announce whether he will run again in next year’s polls, but his continuing detention adds to speculation that authorities are seeking to neutralise him ahead of the election.
Besigye’s current ordeal began in November last year, when he was forcibly returned from neighbouring Kenya under circumstances his supporters describe as an “abduction.” He was initially charged before a military tribunal — a move heavily criticised by human rights groups — before the case was eventually moved to civilian jurisdiction in February.
Ugandan authorities accuse him of treason, alleging involvement in activities intended to destabilise the government. Besigye has categorically denied all charges, framing them as an attempt to silence political opposition.
Besigye’s defence team argued that under Ugandan law, a detainee who has been on remand for 180 days without trial should be automatically granted bail. Lawyer Erias Lukwago called Friday’s ruling “absurd,” saying it ignored the months Besigye spent in custody before the case moved to civilian court.
Another defence lawyer, Eron Kiiza, went further, accusing the judiciary of enabling a “total breakdown in constitutional order” in Uganda. “This is a miscarriage of justice,” Lukwago told AFP, stressing that counting from February 21 deprived his client of his constitutional rights by 12 days.
The case unfolds against the backdrop of Uganda’s January 2026 general election, in which Museveni is seeking another term after nearly four decades in power. Opposition leader Bobi Wine — himself a frequent target of arrests and state harassment — has condemned the proceedings as part of a wider campaign to intimidate political rivals.
Rights organisations, including Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, have warned that Besigye’s detention and treason charges appear politically motivated, designed to weaken the opposition’s capacity to challenge Museveni. The government rejects these claims, insisting that all detentions are based on genuine criminal offences.
Besigye’s repeated arrests mirror a broader pattern of crackdowns on opposition voices in Uganda, where political protests are often met with heavy police and military force. The state’s use of military courts to try civilians — even temporarily, as in Besigye’s case — has been condemned by legal experts as incompatible with international human rights norms.
In 2021, similar legal manoeuvres were used against Bobi Wine’s campaign team and other opposition activists, underscoring what critics describe as Uganda’s “managed democracy” model, where elections occur but opposition participation is curtailed through intimidation and legal harassment.
With Friday’s ruling, Besigye must remain in custody until at least early September unless a higher court intervenes. His lawyers have signalled plans to challenge the decision, potentially escalating the case to Uganda’s Constitutional Court.
As the election season approaches, observers warn that the ruling could deepen political polarisation, galvanising opposition supporters while further entrenching Museveni’s control over the political process. Whether this legal battle becomes a rallying cry for Uganda’s fractured opposition remains to be seen.
Russia| Planet & Commerce
Russia’s largest drone manufacturing complex, the Alabuga facility in Tatarstan, is churning out unprecedented numbers of Iranian-designed Shahed-136 attack drones. Once dependent on Tehran for supply, Moscow has now absorbed almost the entire production process into its domestic military-industrial base — a development analysts say is both a technological triumph for Russia and a diplomatic setback for Iran.
Western intelligence assessments and satellite imagery suggest that 90% of the Shahed’s production stages are now conducted in Russia, significantly reducing Iran’s role in the joint project. The move, while boosting Russia’s military capacity in Ukraine, has sparked tensions with Tehran, which feels sidelined despite having provided drones, missile systems, and critical wartime support since 2022.
After Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Moscow turned to Tehran to bolster its drone warfare capabilities, importing Shahed-136 drones — dubbed “Geran” in Russia — in large numbers. By early 2023, the two nations signed a $1.75 billion agreement to produce 6,000 drones domestically by September 2025.
That milestone was reached a full year ahead of schedule. According to Ukraine’s Defense Intelligence, Alabuga now produces over 5,500 units per month, at a drastically reduced cost — down from $200,000 per drone in 2022 to about $70,000 in 2025.
In a televised tour, Alabuga CEO Timur Shagivaleev boasted that the site is a “complete facility” — from machining aluminium bars into engine parts to manufacturing carbon-fibre fuselages and microelectronics in-house.
Moscow has upgraded the original Shahed design, introducing:
These modifications make the drones harder to intercept and deadlier on the battlefield. Analysts believe Russia’s upgrades caught Iran off guard, accelerating Tehran’s loss of influence over the final product.
Despite enabling Russia’s entry into drone warfare, Iran has seen little strategic payoff. The rift reportedly widened during Israel’s 12-day bombing campaign in June targeting Iran’s nuclear programme. Tehran expected stronger Russian diplomatic or operational backing; instead, Moscow issued muted condemnations that Tehran considered inadequate.
Ali Akbar Dareini, an analyst at Iran’s Center for Strategic Studies, said Moscow’s behaviour reflects a transactional partnership. “It’s obvious the Russians want more, to get more and give less — and this applies to Iran as well,” he noted.
Iranian companies, including Sahara Thunder, have also complained about delayed payments linked to Russia’s sanctions-hit economy, while promised transfers of Russian aeronautical technology have stalled.
Western intelligence sources interpret the Alabuga expansion as a calculated bid to eliminate future Iranian leverage. By localising production, Russia can avoid renegotiating supply contracts and independently export updated Shahed variants — possibly even back to Iran itself.
The relationship, experts argue, is a blend of cooperation and competition. While Moscow gains a cheaper, upgraded drone fleet, Tehran loses strategic control over a system it pioneered.
Following the ceasefire with Israel, Iran has been rebuilding damaged drone facilities. Some analysts believe Russia could send updated Shaheds back to Tehran to help replenish its arsenal.
David Albright, former UN weapons inspector, suggested such shipments could serve as a mutually beneficial exchange — bolstering Iran’s drone stockpile while keeping Moscow’s military-industrial ties intact.
Flight tracking data adds intrigue: on July 11, a Gelix Airlines Ilyushin-76 cargo plane flew from Moscow to Tehran, reportedly delivering the final components of a Russian S-400 air defence system.
Despite tensions, most observers believe the Moscow–Tehran alliance will endure, driven by shared strategic needs. Iran still relies on Russia for advanced military hardware, technology transfers, and economic cooperation amid Western sanctions.
As Dareini put it:
“Iran has got, and very likely will get, the things it needs for its own security — whether it’s military hardware, economic cooperation, or technology.”
Yet the Alabuga precedent demonstrates that Russia’s alliances are rooted in self-interest, and when it gains the capacity to go it alone, even close wartime partners risk being left behind.
Australia | Planet & Commerce
Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and New Zealand Prime Minister Christopher Luxon have jointly urged Israel to reconsider its plan to seize control of Gaza City, warning that the move risks violating international law and undermining regional stability. Meeting in Queenstown, New Zealand, the leaders reaffirmed their nations’ strong alliance, their commitment to recognising Palestinian statehood, and their determination to deepen defence and economic cooperation despite potential trade retaliation from the United States.
The summit began with a pōwhiri (formal Māori welcome) hosted at Te Wharehuanui, the private retreat of billionaire Xero founder Rod Drury. Luxon described Australia as New Zealand’s “greatest friend,” noting the importance of standing together in a world he characterised as “uncertain and fractious.”
Albanese, expressing gratitude to Luxon and local iwi Ngāi Tahu for the “warm, generous” reception, emphasised that “Australia and New Zealand stand together” as members of the Pacific family facing global upheaval.
Two days prior, Israel’s security cabinet approved a plan to take over Gaza City — a decision met with widespread international condemnation. On Saturday, Australia and New Zealand joined Germany, Italy, and the UK in issuing a joint statement opposing the move.
Luxon was blunt:
“The latest action from Israel … is wrong and risks violating international law. Military action, as we’ve seen, is not the way to solve this problem.”
Albanese echoed these concerns, noting that Australians want to see a ceasefire, the release of hostages, and peace in the region.
Both leaders reaffirmed their participation in the New York Call, a declaration signalling possible recognition of Palestinian statehood, but did not commit to a timeline. They dismissed suggestions that recent tariff increases from the Trump administration would alter their stance.
Australian exports to the US already face a 10% baseline tariff, while New Zealand was hit with a surprise 15% tariff last week.
Luxon stated:
“We make our own assessments in … our own economic and our security interests.”
Albanese reinforced that Australia’s decisions are those of a sovereign nation, unaffected by external economic pressure.
Defence and security cooperation featured prominently in the talks, with both leaders addressing the strategic balancing act in dealing with China — their largest trading partner and a growing military presence in the Pacific.
Albanese summarised their approach:
“We cooperate where we can and disagree where we must.”
Both leaders noted recent successful visits to China and committed to close coordination on economic reform and regional stability.
While the Queenstown meeting underscored unity, it also highlighted lingering tensions in the relationship — particularly over the deportation of New Zealand citizens from Australia, even in cases where their ties to New Zealand are minimal.
Albanese’s 2023 pledge to apply a commonsense approach to deportations was reversed in mid-2024, reigniting frustrations. When asked if the policy reversal was fair to New Zealand, Albanese maintained it was necessary for Australia’s safety, while acknowledging Luxon would continue to raise the matter.
The Queenstown summit reaffirmed that the Australia–New Zealand partnership remains a cornerstone of Pacific diplomacy. Despite occasional disputes, both nations are aligned on major global issues, including Middle East policy, strategic independence in foreign affairs, and deepening bilateral defence and trade cooperation.
As global instability intensifies, Albanese and Luxon’s united stance on Gaza, Palestinian statehood, and resisting foreign economic pressure signals that the trans-Tasman alliance remains both resilient and assertive in shaping its own course.
Australia| Planet & Commerce
Victoria’s Premier Jacinta Allan has delivered a scathing condemnation of a masked neo-Nazi march through Melbourne’s CBD early Saturday morning, labelling participants as “goons” and vowing tougher measures to combat hate-based protests. The rally, involving around 100 black-clad individuals carrying Australian flags and chanting as they marched to Flagstaff Gardens, has reignited debate over anti-vilification laws, police powers, and protest regulation in Victoria.
Victoria Police said the pop-up protest began at around 12:40am, moving through Bourke Street and up La Trobe Street before dispersing at 1:25am. Video footage showed disciplined rows of masked individuals marching in unison, accompanied by drums, cymbals, and banners.
Premier Allan condemned the secrecy and intimidation tactics:
“Nazis don’t belong in this country and they know it. That’s why they hide behind masks in the dark.”
She praised police for maintaining order and confirmed that new unmasking powers will follow the state’s upcoming criminal anti-vilification laws, due to take effect next month.
During the march, police alleged a 26-year-old man confronted the group and was assaulted. The man, who has no fixed address, suffered non-life-threatening injuries and was hospitalised. The assault investigation remains ongoing.
Despite the confrontation, no arrests were made at the protest. Police maintained a strong presence to “prevent any breach of the peace” and reiterated their stance that antisemitic, racist, or hate-based behaviour will not be tolerated.
Police later attended Bacchus Marsh train station at around 9am for what they believe was a linked event. Local and specialist units monitored both the planned gathering and a counterprotest, with no arrests or assaults recorded.
The incident drew sharp responses from across the political spectrum:
Premier Allan stressed that while Victoria upholds the right to protest, hate-based gatherings will face escalating legal consequences.
“We’re not afraid of these goons – but we won’t tolerate them either.”
The state government’s legislative agenda includes:
The march adds to a series of far-right activities in Melbourne over the past year, with security experts warning of growing extremist recruitment networks in Australia. Authorities fear late-night masked rallies are being used as propaganda and recruitment tools.
The government’s planned crackdown is part of a broader national conversation on countering extremist movements, with Victoria now under pressure to move faster than its current legislative timetable.
Sign up to hear from us about specials, sales, and events.
Planet & Commerce
Copyright © 2025 Planet & Commerce - All Rights Reserved.
An RTCL Initiative
We use cookies to analyze website traffic and optimize your website experience. By accepting our use of cookies, your data will be aggregated with all other user data.