Haiti| Planet & Commerce
Haiti, a nation already reeling from years of political instability, economic collapse, and unchecked violence, is now poised to see one of the most controversial figures in modern private military history take a direct role in its security crisis. Erik Prince, founder of the notorious Blackwater security firm, is leading a mission to help Haitian authorities reclaim control from powerful, heavily armed gangs that have seized vast swathes of the capital, Port-au-Prince.
Prince’s new company, Vectus Global, has been quietly operating in Haiti but is now set to significantly expand its role. According to a Reuters report, the firm will work alongside Haitian police to launch more aggressive operations aimed at breaking the gangs’ grip on the city and surrounding areas.
This move comes as the country remains largely cut off since February 2024, when gangs launched a coordinated offensive against the government, forcing the prime minister from power and isolating the capital.
The situation in Haiti has reached levels described by aid agencies as catastrophic. The United Nations reports that between April and July alone, over 1,500 people were killed, the majority in the capital. Shockingly, about a third of these deaths resulted from drone strikes — a new tactic employed by the Haitian government to target armed groups entrenched in urban neighborhoods.
Armed factions now control much of Port-au-Prince and have expanded into critical transport routes, effectively cutting the city off from the rest of the country. The government’s already-limited security forces have been overwhelmed, leaving space for private military contractors to step in.
Erik Prince is no stranger to controversy. A former US Navy SEAL, he founded Blackwater in 1997, growing it into one of the most well-known — and widely criticized — private military firms in the world.
Blackwater’s reputation was forever scarred by the 2007 Nisour Square massacre in Baghdad, when its contractors killed 14 unarmed Iraqi civilians while escorting a US embassy convoy. Four employees were convicted in US courts, but their sentences were later pardoned by then-President Donald Trump.
After selling Blackwater in 2010, Prince built a second career advising governments and pursuing security and resource contracts around the world. He has advised Ecuador on anti-gang strategies and negotiated with the Democratic Republic of Congo to secure and tax its mineral wealth.
With Trump back in the White House, Prince’s influence appears to have resurged — and Haiti may now be the stage for his latest high-profile security operation.
A source familiar with Vectus Global’s operations in Haiti told Reuters that the company will deploy several hundred fighters in the coming weeks. These operatives will be drawn from the United States, Europe, and El Salvador, and will include snipers, intelligence specialists, and communications experts.
The deployment will not be limited to boots on the ground. Vectus plans to use helicopters and boats to outmaneuver gangs in both urban and coastal areas. Some members of the force speak French and Haitian Creole, giving them a potential edge in communication and intelligence gathering.
The mission’s stated aim is to help the Haitian National Police retake territories currently controlled by gangs, restore critical infrastructure, and allow humanitarian aid to reach communities that have been cut off for months.
While Vectus Global’s expanded role may offer Haiti a new tactical advantage, the involvement of private military contractors also raises significant concerns. Critics point to Blackwater’s track record in Iraq as evidence that privately run combat operations can lead to accountability gaps, human rights violations, and unintended civilian casualties.
Moreover, the presence of foreign armed forces — even as contractors — in Haitian territory is likely to stir debate over sovereignty and the role of external actors in what is ostensibly a domestic security crisis. Some observers warn that private contractors may prioritize the interests of their clients or corporate objectives over long-term stability and governance reform.
Haiti’s gangs are not loosely organized militias but sophisticated, heavily armed networks with political influence, economic resources, and territorial control. They maintain roadblocks, extort local businesses, and in some cases, operate as de facto authorities in neighborhoods abandoned by the state.
Dislodging them will require not only military action but also sustained governance and economic recovery efforts — areas where private contractors have limited capacity or mandate.
Vectus Global’s campaign will test whether a privately managed, internationally sourced fighting force can succeed where Haiti’s own security institutions have faltered.
The international community’s stance on Prince’s intervention remains unclear. While the United States government has not officially commented on Vectus Global’s Haiti mission, Trump’s personal backing of Prince could mean tacit approval.
For Haiti’s interim authorities, the partnership represents a gamble: immediate gains in reclaiming territory could bolster state authority, but the long-term implications of outsourcing national security to private forces are uncertain.
If successful, the operation could pave the way for similar private military engagements in other fragile states. If it fails — or if civilian harm mounts — it could deepen the mistrust between Haitians and external actors.
Erik Prince’s return to high-profile paramilitary operations through Vectus Global marks a significant moment in Haiti’s battle against its entrenched gang crisis. The mission promises advanced tactical capabilities, experienced fighters, and logistical assets that Haiti’s own forces cannot currently match.
Yet the history of Blackwater and the complex political realities in Haiti make this a risky experiment. Whether Vectus Global will be seen as a decisive force for stability or another controversial chapter in Haiti’s troubled history will depend on the coming months — and the delicate balance between force, accountability, and rebuilding trust in governance.
South Korea| Planet & Commerce
South Korean President Lee Jae Myung used his August 15 Liberation Day address to make one of his clearest overtures yet toward improving inter-Korean relations. Pledging to “respect” North Korea’s current political system and to work toward building “military trust,” Lee struck a markedly different tone from the hardline policies of his predecessor.
Speaking at a ceremony marking Korea’s liberation from Japanese colonial rule, Lee declared that his administration would take consistent and tangible measures to ease tensions and rebuild trust across the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ). “We affirm our respect for the North’s current system,” he said, stressing that Seoul has “no intention of engaging in hostile acts”.
Lee expressed hope that Pyongyang would reciprocate. “North and South are not enemies,” he stated, underlining his vision for dialogue without preconditions, even with a nuclear-armed North Korea.
Lee’s appeal came just one day after Kim Yo Jong, the influential sister of North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, bluntly stated that the North has “no will to improve relations” with Seoul. She also denied media reports that North Korea was dismantling its propaganda loudspeakers along the border — an issue closely watched by the South’s military.
Despite Kim Yo Jong’s combative tone, North Korea has in recent weeks shown subtle changes in posture. South Korean military officials reported that both sides had halted propaganda broadcasts in June. Last week, Seoul said it had observed North Korean troops removing loudspeakers along the frontier, although Pyongyang has not confirmed this.
The August 15 Liberation Day marks the end of Japan’s colonial occupation in 1945 and is the only public holiday celebrated in both Koreas. In Seoul, it is a day of remembrance and aspiration for peace; in Pyongyang, it is an occasion for showcasing resilience against perceived foreign adversaries.
However, this year’s celebration in North Korea carried an unusual twist. Kim Jong Un addressed the nation without mentioning South Korea, the United States, or any “hostile forces” — a departure from past rhetoric that often bristles with accusations and threats.
His Liberation Day remarks instead focused on domestic priorities, urging citizens to “overcome the challenges facing the DPRK for the great powerful country.” The event also featured a visiting Russian delegation led by the speaker of the State Duma, who delivered a congratulatory letter from President Vladimir Putin.
According to Yang Moo-jin, president of the University of North Korean Studies in Seoul, Kim Jong Un’s omission of direct criticism toward Seoul or Washington was a “stark contrast” to his sister’s fiery language the day before.
“There were no messages aimed at South Korea or the United States, no references to enemies or hostile states, and no provocative mentions of nuclear forces,” Yang told AFP. This, he suggested, could indicate that Pyongyang is closely monitoring developments, including Lee Jae Myung’s own speech, before deciding on its next steps.
Since winning the presidency in June, Lee Jae Myung has signaled a clear shift toward unconditional engagement with North Korea. His approach contrasts sharply with the deterrence-heavy, sanctions-focused policies of his predecessor, which sought to isolate Pyongyang over its nuclear weapons program.
Lee has emphasized mutual respect, the reduction of military tensions, and the pursuit of dialogue as core principles. His pledge to respect the North’s “current system” — effectively acknowledging the DPRK’s political structure — is a calculated gesture aimed at lowering the rhetorical temperature and creating space for trust-building.
The simultaneous signals from Pyongyang — Kim Yo Jong’s outright rejection versus Kim Jong Un’s restraint — leave the prospects for renewed dialogue uncertain. Lee’s administration is betting on incremental trust-building measures to gradually change the tone of inter-Korean relations.
Whether the North responds in kind may depend on broader regional dynamics, including Russia’s deepening engagement with Pyongyang, China’s strategic calculations, and the state of US–North Korea relations.
For now, both Koreas share at least one symbolic moment in the form of Liberation Day. The challenge for Lee Jae Myung is to translate symbolism into substance before political momentum dissipates.
Mali| Planet & Commerce
Mali’s military rulers announced the arrest of several individuals, including two prominent generals and a French national, accusing them of conspiring to overthrow the government. The move comes amid heightened political tension and follows a rare pro-democracy rally in May, the first such demonstration since the junta seized power nearly four years ago.
The arrests were confirmed on Thursday evening by Security Minister Gen Daouda Aly Mohammedine, who appeared on national television to assure citizens that the situation was “completely under control” and that an investigation was underway. He alleged that the group’s aim was to destabilise the institutions of the republic.
According to Mohammedine, the plot began on 1 August and involved both military and civilian actors, with support from foreign intelligence.
Among those detained is Yann Vezilier, identified by Malian authorities as acting “on behalf of the French intelligence service.” Officials claim Vezilier worked to mobilise political leaders, civil society figures, and members of the Malian armed forces to participate in the plot.
There has been no immediate response from France, Mali’s former colonial power, regarding Vezilier’s arrest. Relations between Bamako and Paris have sharply deteriorated since the junta expelled French troops in 2022, replacing them with Russian security assistance.
National television broadcast images of 11 alleged plotters, including two senior military officers:
Their inclusion in the alleged coup plot underscores growing discontent within Mali’s armed forces, where dissatisfaction over governance and military operations has been brewing.
Security expert Rida Lyammouri, from the Morocco-based Policy Center for the New South, questioned the credibility of the coup allegations. He suggested the arrests may be intended to intimidate opponents rather than address a genuine threat.
“The military leaders are simply not willing to let grievances build into something more, like a coup,” Lyammouri said. “It’s a continuation of repeated unjustified arrests and prosecution of anyone speaking against the current regime — journalists, civil society, political leaders, and now military members.”
Mali, along with neighbouring Burkina Faso and Niger, continues to battle a violent insurgency led by militant groups linked to al-Qaida and Islamic State. Despite Russian assistance since the departure of French forces, attacks have intensified, raising doubts about the junta’s ability to restore stability.
The country has experienced two coups since 2020. Current leader Gen Assimi Goïta was granted another five years in power in June, extending the transition despite earlier promises to return to civilian rule by March 2024. In May, the junta dissolved political parties entirely, tightening its grip on power.
The expulsion of French troops in 2022 marked a major geopolitical shift for Mali, as the junta turned to Russia for military support. While Russian forces have bolstered certain security operations, the insurgency remains entrenched, with militants exploiting governance gaps in rural areas.
The alleged coup plot emerges against this backdrop of insecurity, political suppression, and international realignment — all of which have made Mali a focal point in West Africa’s broader instability.
The junta’s claims of foiling a coup reinforce its narrative of defending national stability, but they also fit a wider pattern of arrests aimed at silencing dissent. The involvement of high-ranking generals and a foreign national adds international intrigue, but without transparent evidence, scepticism will remain high.
For now, Mali’s leadership appears determined to consolidate its power, even at the cost of political freedoms, as the country faces an unrelenting insurgency and a growing sense of uncertainty about its democratic future.
Russia| Planet & Commerce
Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov has reiterated Moscow’s hardline stance on the war in Ukraine, insisting that no long-term settlement is possible unless Russia’s so-called “security interests” are addressed. Speaking to state media on Tuesday, Lavrov underscored that the rights of Russian-speakers and Moscow’s broader demands must be met before any durable agreement can be reached.
“Without respect for Russia’s security interests, rights of Russians and Russian-speaking people living in Ukraine, there can be no talk of any long-term agreements,” Lavrov said. He further repeated Moscow’s disinformation claim that Ukraine has banned the Russian language, portraying the war as a defense of Russian-speakers.
The remarks highlight the Kremlin’s ongoing attempt to frame the invasion not as territorial aggression, but as a cultural and security struggle — even as Russia has illegally annexed five Ukrainian regions, including Crimea in 2014 and four provinces in 2022.
From the start of the war, the purported mistreatment of Russian-speakers has been a central theme of Moscow’s justification for aggression. President Vladimir Putin, in his February 24, 2022 speech announcing the full-scale invasion, described Kyiv’s treatment of Russian-speakers in Donbas as “genocide,” claiming Russia had no choice but to act.
Lavrov’s latest comments doubled down on this narrative, positioning Russia’s “security interests” as inseparable from what it calls the defense of language and culture. This includes demands that Ukraine legally recognize Russian as an official state language alongside Ukrainian. Currently, only Ukrainian holds that status.
Kyiv, however, has dismissed such demands as an attempt to erode Ukrainian sovereignty and dilute its national identity — particularly after decades of Russian domination that suppressed Ukrainian culture and language.
Another central plank of Russia’s so-called security demands concerns religion. Lavrov insisted that Ukraine’s ban on the Ukrainian Orthodox Church-Moscow Patriarchate (UOC-MP) must be lifted. The UOC-MP, subordinate to the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC), was outlawed under legislation passed last year banning religious organizations tied to countries waging armed aggression against Ukraine.
The ROC has long been a political ally of Putin, providing ideological cover for his regime since the 1990s. Ukraine’s decision to ban its Moscow-affiliated branch was framed as a matter of national security, given the ROC’s open support for the invasion. Moscow, however, calls the move an attack on religious freedom and a betrayal of Russian cultural heritage.
Beyond language and religious issues, Russia’s negotiation demands also include sweeping constitutional changes in Ukraine. In talks conveyed to Kyiv during Istanbul discussions in June, Moscow insisted that Ukraine amend its constitution to allow for Russian as an official language and to outlaw so-called “nationalist formations.”
Russia has previously demanded “denazification” of Ukraine — a propaganda term used by Moscow to delegitimize Ukraine’s government and armed forces. For Kyiv, these requirements amount to a blueprint for dismantling Ukrainian sovereignty and subordinating its political system to Moscow’s dictates.
For Ukraine, Lavrov’s statements reinforce the view that Russia’s war is not merely about territory, but about reshaping Ukraine’s cultural, linguistic, and religious identity. Ukrainian leaders argue that granting such concessions would entrench Moscow’s influence, effectively undoing decades of independence achieved since the fall of the Soviet Union.
While Moscow insists its war aims are defensive, the annexation of Ukrainian territory — coupled with these maximalist demands — reveals an expansionist agenda. Kyiv has consistently rejected any settlement that would formalize Russian gains or institutionalize Moscow’s cultural control.
The war remains locked in a bloody stalemate, with neither side achieving decisive military breakthroughs. Lavrov’s remarks signal that Moscow will continue to press maximalist demands in any future negotiations, making the prospect of a durable peace distant.
For the West, Lavrov’s position underscores the difficulty of brokering a deal. Even if ceasefire talks resume, Russia’s insistence on cultural and political concessions suggests that the Kremlin seeks not coexistence, but dominance over Ukraine’s future identity.
Brazil| Planet & Commerce
Brazil’s government has issued a stern warning to Meta, demanding the immediate removal of artificial intelligence chatbots capable of sexualising children, following revelations that the tech giant’s internal guidelines had explicitly permitted such content. The move, led by Brazil’s attorney general’s office (AGU), comes after Reuters disclosed a leaked 200-page internal document titled “GenAI: Content Risk Standards.”
The report revealed that Meta’s AI systems — deployed across Facebook, Instagram, and WhatsApp — were allowed to describe children in romantic and sensual terms. Though Meta has since confirmed the document’s authenticity and claimed it is revising the guidelines, the disclosures triggered outrage in Brazil and raised wider global concerns about the governance of generative AI.
The leaked standards, which had been reviewed and approved by Meta’s policy, legal, and engineering teams — including its chief ethicist — outlined what chatbots could and could not say.
Among the most shocking examples: chatbots were allowed to describe a child’s “youthful form” as a “work of art” or to call them a “masterpiece” and “a treasure I cherish deeply.” While the guidelines prohibited overtly sexual comments about children under 13, they effectively allowed flirtation and romanticisation of minors, blurring lines that experts say should never exist.
The manual also contained other alarming permissions, such as generating false medical information and enabling racist statements — including helping users argue that Black people are less intelligent than white people.
Meta spokesperson Andy Stone admitted that such provisions “never should have been allowed,” adding that revisions were underway. But critics argue that the fact these rules were formalised at all highlights a systemic failure of oversight within one of the world’s largest social media companies.
In its notice, the AGU declared that Meta must “immediately” remove chatbots simulating childlike personas capable of engaging in sexual dialogue, condemning such practices as contributing to the “eroticisation of children.”
Although the warning does not impose direct sanctions, it reminded Meta that under Brazilian law, platforms are legally obliged to remove illicit content without waiting for court orders. Failure to comply could lead to fines, regulatory action, and reputational damage in one of Meta’s most important international markets.
The demand comes against the backdrop of national outrage following the arrest of Brazilian influencer Hytalo Santos, accused of child sexual exploitation after posting videos of semi-naked minors in sexually suggestive dances on Instagram. His account has since been deleted.
Brazil’s Supreme Court in June ruled that digital platforms must assume greater responsibility for user-generated content, a landmark decision underscoring the shift in how governments are confronting Big Tech. The AGU’s warning to Meta aligns with this judicial stance and reflects growing political will to rein in platform excesses.
Globally, the incident has reignited the debate over whether voluntary safeguards are sufficient in the era of generative AI. Campaigners argue that only binding international regulations can ensure child protection, prevent harmful AI misuse, and hold companies accountable when safeguards fail.
Meta, which has heavily promoted its “Meta AI” assistant as a flagship feature across its apps, now faces heightened scrutiny not just in Brazil but internationally. Experts warn that this could accelerate regulatory momentum in Europe, the United States, and Asia, where policymakers are already considering tougher rules on AI safety.
The revelations mark a turning point in the public debate about AI governance. While Meta insists the offending guidelines have been removed, the scandal underscores broader risks: AI systems trained without adequate restrictions can generate outputs that normalize harmful, even illegal, behavior.
For Brazil, which is positioning itself as a global leader in digital regulation, the Meta controversy strengthens calls for international cooperation on AI oversight. For Meta, the backlash represents a profound reputational crisis at a time when trust in its platforms remains fragile following years of controversies over misinformation, privacy, and user safety.
The question now is whether Brazil’s decisive stance will remain an isolated national intervention — or the spark for a global regulatory wave to safeguard children from AI-enabled exploitation.
Serbia| Planet & Commerce
Serbia’s President Aleksandar Vucic vowed on Sunday to take tough measures against anti-government protesters after five nights of violent clashes that have shaken his grip on power and raised alarm about democratic backsliding in the Balkan state.
In a nationally televised address, Vucic labeled demonstrators as “terrorists” and claimed — without evidence — that the unrest had been orchestrated by Western powers to destabilize Serbia. The protests, however, stem from months of public anger over corruption, cronyism, and a lack of accountability in government projects.
Despite his threats, thousands of people poured into the streets across Serbia later that same day, demanding the release of those arrested during the clashes. In Belgrade, demonstrators chanted “Arrest Vucic” while waving Serbian flags and accusing the government of eroding freedoms. Unlike earlier nights, no major incidents were reported.
The protests began nine months ago after a canopy collapse at a northern train station killed 16 people, a tragedy many blamed on corruption and substandard state infrastructure projects. While demonstrations were initially peaceful, tensions exploded this past week as protesters clashed with riot police and Vucic loyalists.
On Saturday evening, protesters torched the ruling Serbian Progressive Party’s local office in western Serbia and attacked coalition ally offices. In Belgrade and Novi Sad, demonstrators hurled flares, bottles, and stun grenades, prompting riot police to respond with tear gas. Dozens were detained, and reports of excessive force and arbitrary arrests by police have fueled further anger.
In his latest address, Vucic claimed Serbia was under attack. “Our country is in grave danger, they have jeopardized all our values, normal life, each individual,” he said. He further warned: “Unless we undertake tougher steps it is a question of days when they (protesters) will kill someone.”
The president insisted that “anarcho-leftist” forces were plotting to replace his government and promised a decisive response within a week. While he ruled out declaring a state of emergency, he pledged: “We will use everything at our disposal to restore peace and order in the country.”
Critics say his rhetoric is aimed at justifying repression while avoiding responsibility for the country’s deeper political and economic crises.
Vucic has positioned himself as a balancing figure between East and West, formally keeping Serbia on track for EU membership while cultivating close ties with Russia and China. On Sunday, he praised Moscow for backing his government, denouncing the unrest as a “colored revolution” — a term the Kremlin often uses to describe Western-supported uprisings.
The EU has expressed concern over the escalating violence but stopped short of criticizing Vucic directly, mindful of Serbia’s strategic role in the Western Balkans. Human rights groups, however, have condemned police violence and warned that arbitrary detentions risk pushing Serbia further away from democratic norms.
Vucic has yet to specify what “tough measures” will follow, though observers anticipate expanded police operations, stricter curbs on demonstrations, and possible legal actions against opposition groups. Many fear this could entrench Serbia’s slide toward authoritarianism.
For now, the standoff remains unresolved. Protesters appear determined to sustain pressure, while Vucic is signaling he will not compromise. The outcome could shape Serbia’s democratic future — and its fragile path between the European Union and its long-standing alliances with Russia and China.
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