
China | Planet & Commerce
China has officially commissioned its third and most advanced aircraft carrier, the Fujian, marking a defining moment in Beijing’s bid to transform its navy into a global blue-water force capable of operating far beyond its coastal waters. The commissioning ceremony, held on Hainan Island on Wednesday, was attended by President Xi Jinping, who has made military modernization a cornerstone of his leadership. The Fujian (Type 003) represents a technological and strategic leap for China’s People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) — it is the first aircraft carrier entirely designed and built domestically, a symbol of China’s ambition to rival the United States Navy’s dominance in the Indo-Pacific and beyond.
According to China’s state-run Xinhua News Agency, the Fujian’s commissioning marks a milestone in Xi’s broader vision of building a “world-class military by mid-century.” That goal includes transforming China’s navy into a blue-water strategic force capable of operating across oceans rather than merely defending its coastline. This development brings China closer to closing the carrier gap with the United States, which operates 11 nuclear-powered aircraft carriers backed by a global network of bases. While the Fujian is conventionally powered, it employs cutting-edge technologies previously seen only on the U.S. Navy’s Ford-class carriers, such as electromagnetic catapult launch systems.
“Carriers are key to Chinese leadership’s vision of China as a great power with a blue-water navy,” said Greg Poling, director of the Asia Maritime Transparency Initiative at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS). “The Fujian enables China to project air power far from its coastal waters — something that until recently was the exclusive domain of the U.S. Navy.”
China’s growing naval power is central to its maritime strategy across the First and Second Island Chains — key zones of influence that stretch across the western Pacific. The First Island Chain includes the South China Sea, East China Sea, and Yellow Sea, encompassing Taiwan and the Philippines. The Second Island Chain extends eastward toward Guam, a critical U.S. military hub. Beijing’s goal is not only to dominate the near seas but also to contest U.S. presence farther into the Pacific.
“A carrier doesn’t really help you in the First Island Chain,” Poling noted, “but it’s key to that contest, if you want one, with the Americans in the wider Indo-Pacific.”
With the Fujian, analysts believe China is now capable of launching carrier groups deep into the Pacific Ocean, enhancing its surveillance, strike, and deterrence capabilities in regions once beyond its operational reach. This could complicate U.S. response times in a potential Taiwan crisis or in other flashpoints such as the South China Sea.
Unlike China’s first two aircraft carriers — the Liaoning (a refurbished Soviet vessel) and the Shandong (built in China but based on the same design) — the Fujian is a fully indigenous platform that incorporates next-generation carrier technology.
“The Fujian is a big leapfrog for China in terms of its aircraft carrier capabilities compared to the first two,” said Brian Hart, deputy director of the CSIS China Power Project.
For Beijing, the Fujian represents more than a symbol of pride; it is a strategic tool to protect China’s overseas interests, which now span energy routes, trade corridors, and infrastructure projects under the Belt and Road Initiative.
“China’s carriers cannot just operate near home; they must operate in distant oceans and far seas,” said Song Zhongping, a Hong Kong-based military affairs expert. “China is a great power, and our overseas interests span the globe; we need to be globally present.”
The commissioning ceremony in Hainan — home to China’s Southern Theater Command — reinforces the carrier’s intended role in safeguarding maritime routes through the South China Sea and extending Beijing’s influence into the Indian Ocean and Western Pacific.
China’s unveiling of the Fujian has drawn sharp reactions from its regional neighbors, particularly Japan, which expressed concern about Beijing’s rapid military expansion. Japanese Chief Cabinet Secretary Minoru Kihara said the move shows that China is strengthening its military power “extensively and rapidly without transparency.”
“We believe that China’s military intends to advance its operational capability at distant sea and air by strengthening sea power,” he said, emphasizing that Japan would “calmly but decisively respond.”
The United States has also closely monitored China’s carrier expansion. In its most recent Pentagon report to Congress, Washington described China as “the only competitor to the United States with both the intent and the capacity to reshape the international order.”
The Fujian’s commissioning comes amid rising tensions over Taiwan, which China claims as its own territory. Military analysts warn that if China can position one or more carrier groups near the Second Island Chain, it could delay or disrupt U.S. military assistance to Taiwan during a conflict.
“An aircraft carrier allows China to extend its strategic perimeter,” said Brian Hart. “It expands domain awareness — the ability to monitor air, sea, and subsurface activity across vast areas — and gives China new ways to deter or delay foreign intervention.”
In a Taiwan scenario, the Fujian’s deployment could enable China to project air cover beyond the range of its land-based fighters, changing the tactical equation in the western Pacific.
Despite its advancements, the Fujian still faces notable constraints compared to its American counterparts:
Singapore-based analyst Tang Meng Kit cautioned that “China’s capabilities may be overstated” and that “operational readiness lags behind its showcased arsenal.”
“The parade and ceremonies amplify perceptions of strength, but actual wartime efficiency is untested,” Tang said.
Beyond its military role, the Fujian serves as a symbol of national pride and political legitimacy for Xi Jinping’s leadership. During China’s World War II Victory Day parade in September, the Fujian’s aircraft — including the J-35 stealth fighter, J-15T, and KJ-600 — were featured alongside hypersonic glide vehicles, drones, and electronic warfare systems, showcasing China’s technological sophistication. Analysts say that the carrier’s commissioning signals China’s broader strategic intent:
“The Fujian’s launch is part of a larger mosaic,” Tang noted. “It’s not just about Taiwan; it’s about cementing China’s status as a global power capable of shaping the international order.”
Evidence suggests that China is already building its next-generation carrier, possibly nuclear-powered, which would vastly extend its operational range. Chinese shipyards — known for their rapid construction pace — are reportedly capable of producing multiple large vessels simultaneously, including destroyers and nuclear-powered submarines. As Beijing accelerates naval expansion, experts say the global balance of power in the Indo-Pacific could shift dramatically over the next decade. The Fujian is not just a new ship — it is a statement of China’s determination to redefine its role on the world stage.

China | Planet & Commerce
Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang announced on Saturday that the company is witnessing “very strong demand” for its latest-generation Blackwell chips, which have become the centerpiece of the global AI hardware boom. Speaking during an event hosted by long-term partner Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company (TSMC), Huang said the appetite for Blackwell-series processors has significantly increased, with Nvidia ramping up wafer orders from TSMC to meet unprecedented global demand. “Nvidia builds the GPU, but we also build the CPU, the networking, the switches — there are a lot of chips associated with Blackwell,” Huang told reporters at the TSMC headquarters in Hsinchu.
“TSMC is doing a very good job supporting us on wafers. Nvidia’s success would not be possible without TSMC.”
The remarks came during Huang’s fourth public trip to Taiwan this year, underscoring the deep partnership between Nvidia — the world’s most valuable semiconductor company — and TSMC, the world’s leading contract chip manufacturer.
The Blackwell architecture, unveiled earlier this year, represents Nvidia’s most advanced generation of artificial intelligence and high-performance computing (HPC) processors. Designed to succeed the Hopper H100 and H200 GPUs, the Blackwell chips power large-scale AI training, inference, and data center workloads, forming the backbone of generative AI models used by companies like OpenAI, Google DeepMind, Meta, and Microsoft. Demand for the new chips has skyrocketed, driven by global investments in AI supercomputers, cloud infrastructure, and machine learning research. Nvidia’s hardware is widely recognized as the “engine of the AI revolution,” enabling breakthroughs in large language models (LLMs), autonomous vehicles, and digital twin simulations.
“There’s enormous enthusiasm around Blackwell,” Huang said. “Every generation of Nvidia architecture brings exponential efficiency and capability, and this one is no exception.”
TSMC CEO C.C. Wei confirmed that Huang had “asked for wafers,” though he declined to disclose specific quantities, citing confidentiality agreements. Nvidia relies heavily on TSMC’s 3-nanometer and 5-nanometer fabrication processes, which are used to produce its high-end GPUs and CPUs.
“Nvidia’s success is a success for the entire ecosystem,” Wei said during the event. “We are proud to support the most advanced AI processors in the world.”
The partnership between Nvidia and TSMC has become one of the most strategically important alliances in the global semiconductor industry. Nvidia designs the chips, while TSMC fabricates them with cutting-edge lithography technologies sourced from ASML, Tokyo Electron, and Applied Materials. TSMC’s dominance in advanced manufacturing — coupled with Nvidia’s GPU design leadership — has made the duo the cornerstone of the global AI supply chain.
In October, Nvidia became the first company in history to reach a $5 trillion market capitalization, cementing its status as the world’s most valuable semiconductor company and one of the top three corporations globally by valuation. During the event, TSMC’s Wei humorously referred to Huang as the “five-trillion-dollar man,” reflecting Nvidia’s meteoric rise fueled by explosive demand for AI hardware. Huang acknowledged the milestone as a testament to the synergy between chip designers, fabricators, and ecosystem partners, rather than a solo achievement.
“No single company builds the AI industry alone,” Huang said. “Our growth is built on the strength of a global supply chain — from wafer manufacturers to memory producers and cloud service providers.”
When asked about potential component shortages, Huang noted that Nvidia’s rapid expansion has created supply bottlenecks across multiple sectors, including memory and networking components.
“There will be shortages of different things as business grows this fast,” he said. “But we have three very, very good memory partners — SK Hynix, Samsung, and Micron — all of whom have scaled up tremendous capacity to support us.”
Huang revealed that Nvidia has already received the most advanced memory samples from all three manufacturers, including next-generation High Bandwidth Memory (HBM4) modules that will power Blackwell GPUs in upcoming data centers. The AI chip super cycle, according to analysts, is driving an unprecedented surge in DRAM and NAND demand — particularly for HBM3E and HBM4 memory — components critical for training AI models that process trillions of parameters.
Nvidia’s memory partners have each reported record-breaking demand forecasts:
“The AI memory race has just begun,” said market analyst Daniel Yoo of Kiwoom Securities. “Nvidia’s Blackwell platform will anchor demand for HBM4 and future AI-optimized memory for years to come.”
Huang emphasized that the Blackwell ecosystem extends far beyond GPUs. Nvidia has also developed a comprehensive suite of computing components, including CPUs, networking switches, and interconnects designed for massive data throughput and reduced latency.
“The future of AI computing isn’t just about graphics processors,” Huang explained. “It’s about tightly integrating every part of the system — CPUs, networking, storage, and software — to create one coherent AI platform.”
The Blackwell GPU series features Nvidia’s most advanced NVLink and NVSwitch interconnect architecture, allowing up to 576 GPUs to operate seamlessly within a single supercomputer cluster. These clusters form the backbone of AI data centers built by companies like Amazon Web Services (AWS), Microsoft Azure, Google Cloud, and Oracle.
Huang also confirmed that Nvidia is not in active discussions to sell Blackwell chips to China, following restrictions imposed by the Trump administration.
“There are no active discussions about selling Blackwell chips to China,” he said.
The U.S. government has tightened export controls on advanced AI chips, citing national security concerns that such hardware could enhance China’s military AI capabilities. Nvidia has previously created modified chips, such as the A800 and H800, to comply with U.S. regulations while continuing limited sales in China. However, Huang made it clear that Blackwell GPUs — Nvidia’s flagship for global AI — are currently off-limits under existing export laws.
“We follow U.S. regulations strictly,” Huang said. “Our focus remains on supporting partners where we are authorized to operate.”
The growing synergy between chipmakers, foundries, and memory suppliers has pushed the global semiconductor sector into what analysts are calling a “multi-year AI expansion phase.” According to data from TrendForce, Nvidia alone is projected to consume over 40% of the world’s advanced HBM output by late 2026. TSMC’s wafer utilization rates have also risen sharply, driven by back-to-back orders from Nvidia, AMD, and Apple. Market forecasts suggest the Blackwell generation could sustain Nvidia’s revenue growth well into 2027, supported by demand from AI data centers, enterprise servers, and autonomous computing systems.
Concluding his remarks, Huang reflected on the global transformation driven by artificial intelligence, comparing it to the industrial revolutions of the past century.
“We’re at the beginning of a new industrial revolution — the AI revolution,” Huang said. “Every company will become an intelligence company, and every data center will become an AI factory.”
He added that Nvidia’s role is not merely to provide chips but to build a full-stack computing platform that enables industries to accelerate innovation.
“Our mission is to make AI accessible to every enterprise and researcher on the planet,” he said. “Blackwell is the next great leap toward that future.”

China| Planet & Commerce
China’s export engine sputtered in October 2025, posting its sharpest contraction since February, as Donald Trump’s steep tariffs on Chinese goods dealt a heavy blow to trade with the United States — long Beijing’s largest export market. The 1.1% year-on-year drop in total exports, reversing an 8.3% surge in September, came as Chinese shipments to the US collapsed by more than 25%, underscoring the limits of Beijing’s push to diversify away from its dependency on American consumers. Economists warn the slump signals the fading of front-loaded exports sent earlier this year to beat Trump’s escalating tariff regime, which has lifted the average duty on Chinese imports to around 45% — well above the profit margin threshold for most exporters.
“It appears the rush to ship goods to the U.S. ahead of tariff hikes subsided in October,” said Zhang Zhiwei, chief economist at Baoyin Capital Management. “With export momentum now waning, China may need to rely more heavily on domestic demand.”
The latest customs data released on Friday revealed that despite Beijing’s extensive efforts to expand trade with Southeast Asia and the European Union, no other market has compensated for the scale of American demand. China’s exports to the European Union grew by just 0.9%, while shipments to Southeast Asia rose 11%, slower than expected. By comparison, exports to the United States plunged 25.17%, highlighting the enduring asymmetry in China’s global trade portfolio. Economists estimate that the tariff impact has shaved about two percentage points off China’s annual export growth, equivalent to roughly 0.3% of GDP — a meaningful hit to an economy already battling sluggish consumption and a prolonged property downturn.
“The global slowdown and the end of front-loading to beat tariffs are combining to create a double shock,” said Alicia Garcia-Herrero, chief economist for Asia-Pacific at Natixis. “Even exports through Vietnam to the U.S., which had surged as firms tried to bypass tariffs, are now decelerating.”
Following the data’s release, the Chinese yuan weakened modestly against the U.S. dollar, registering its first weekly decline in a month, as traders priced in concerns about slowing external demand and the potential for fresh stimulus.
“The export data underline China’s vulnerability to shifts in U.S. trade policy,” said Iris Pang, Greater China economist at ING. “Even a partial truce does not change the long-term trajectory of decoupling between the two economies.”
Markets had been cautiously optimistic after a tentative tariff truce between U.S. President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping last week, which paused new punitive measures for a year and slightly trimmed existing tariffs. However, the average tariff rate on Chinese goods entering the U.S. remains around 45%, still significantly above the 35% “profit erosion” threshold that many Chinese manufacturers cannot sustain.
“The truce stabilizes sentiment for now, but it doesn’t solve the structural issue,” said Woei Chen Ho, economist at UOB Singapore. “Both countries will continue trying to reduce their interdependence, and we’re going to see the U.S. share of China’s trade drop steadily.”
Despite the tariff tensions, China’s trade surplus with the U.S. rose slightly in October to $24.76 billion, up from $22.82 billion in September, reflecting the resilience of certain high-value sectors like electronics, solar components, and EV batteries.
In response to the trade war’s revival, Beijing has intensified efforts to strengthen trade and investment ties with the European Union and ASEAN nations. On Thursday, Chinese officials flagged new prospects for a China-EU trade or investment framework, describing the bloc as “a vital partner amid global fragmentation.” Last month, China recorded a $21.9 billion trade surplus with the EU’s 27 members, boosted by machinery and electric vehicle exports, but analysts say the bloc cannot absorb more than a fraction of the demand lost from the U.S.
“Even if China diversifies, no market can replace the U.S. in the short term,” noted Julian Evans-Pritchard, senior economist at Capital Economics. “The EU and ASEAN can help cushion the blow, but not reverse it.”
The October report also revealed tepid domestic demand, with imports rising just 1.0% year-on-year, the slowest pace in five months, down from 7.4% in September and below economists’ forecast of 3.2%. The weakness underscores the challenges facing Beijing’s attempts to rebalance the economy toward consumption-led growth, even as officials push to increase household spending as a share of GDP during the upcoming 2026–2030 policy cycle. China’s imports of soybeans, crude oil, and iron ore rose, supported by favorable commodity prices and record purchases from South America, but copper imports — a barometer of construction activity — declined sharply, reflecting ongoing distress in the property sector.
“High copper prices and a prolonged housing slump are discouraging restocking,” analysts at Nomura wrote in a note. “This suggests construction demand will remain weak through early 2026.”
With export growth faltering and domestic demand stagnant, analysts expect Beijing to shift focus toward fiscal expansion and targeted stimulus measures aimed at stabilizing employment and industrial output.
“With intensifying headwinds from weak retail sales and exports, we believe Beijing’s policy focus will again shift toward short-term stability,” Nomura’s note added. “Fiscal expansion will likely be the key focus of Beijing’s policy agenda.”
Officials from the People’s Bank of China (PBOC) have hinted at further liquidity injections, while the Finance Ministry is preparing additional infrastructure spending packages to support local economies and state-owned enterprises facing cash constraints. However, analysts caution that China’s mounting local government debt — now estimated to exceed $13 trillion — limits the scope for aggressive fiscal expansion without risking longer-term financial instability.
The latest trade figures highlight the broader realignment of global supply chains as companies continue to diversify manufacturing away from mainland China to Vietnam, India, and Mexico, partly to mitigate tariff exposure and geopolitical risk. While Chinese manufacturers have maintained strong outbound shipments through partner nations, such indirect exports are also likely to slow as front-loaded U.S. orders fade.
“The export boom through Vietnam was a temporary workaround,” said Garcia-Herrero of Natixis. “As front-loading ends, both Vietnam and China will see weaker export growth heading into 2026.”
For policymakers in Beijing, the data reinforce the delicate balance between short-term economic stabilization and long-term structural reform. The Central Committee’s recent five-year plan emphasized boosting consumption’s share of GDP, reducing reliance on property-driven growth, and nurturing strategic sectors like semiconductors, green tech, and electric vehicles. Yet economists say consumer confidence remains fragile, and the manufacturing sector’s slowdown risks spilling over into broader employment and wage pressures. “October’s data paint a picture of an economy still struggling to find new drivers,” said Larry Hu, chief China economist at Macquarie Group.
“Without strong fiscal stimulus, the slowdown could extend well into 2026.”
Looking ahead, economists predict that China’s export downturn will likely persist into the first half of 2026, as U.S. tariffs continue to bite and global demand remains subdued.
“We expect export growth to remain negative in the coming months,” said Zhiwei of Baoyin Capital. “China will need to rely increasingly on domestic consumption and regional partnerships to sustain growth.”
While the Trump-Xi truce has reduced immediate trade friction, it has not reversed the structural decoupling trend that now defines U.S.-China relations. Analysts say the 45% tariff environment will continue to constrain profit margins and accelerate China’s shift toward self-sufficiency and regional trade blocs.

China| Planet & Commerce
In a significant diplomatic overture, a U.S. congressional delegation visiting China this week openly acknowledged the need to renegotiate global economic rules to account for the growing influence of China and other emerging powers such as India and Brazil.
Speaking in Shanghai at the conclusion of a five-day trip, Rep. Adam Smith (Democrat, Washington State) underscored the importance of updating the international economic order, originally designed in the aftermath of World War II, to reflect today’s realities.
His remarks aligned with Chinese President Xi Jinping’s call for a fairer global governance system, one that better represents developing countries and the Global South.
Smith, who chairs the House Armed Services Committee, told Shanghai Mayor Gong Zheng that while the U.S.-led post-war order has served many nations well — including China — it is no longer adequate.
“We understand that things have changed,” Smith said, stressing that the rise of China, India, Brazil, and other emerging economies requires new economic frameworks that are more inclusive and equitable.
Smith’s candor was notable: a senior U.S. lawmaker recognizing China not just as a competitor but as a partner in shaping global rules.
The visit marked the first by U.S. House members since 2019, reflecting efforts to restore communication channels between Washington and Beijing amid a turbulent relationship.
The delegation included:
Their itinerary included three days in Beijing followed by meetings in Shanghai with government officials, the American Chamber of Commerce, and business leaders.
Smith emphasized that the main goal was communication and trust-building — a message that contrasted with the often adversarial tone of U.S.-China relations.
In informal comments, Smith pointed to the proliferation of McDonald’s outlets in China as evidence of deep commercial ties despite tariff battles and trade disputes.
“A lot of business is going on between the two economies despite the ongoing trade and tariff war,” he told reporters.
The lawmakers were even spotted at a Starbucks in Shanghai, underscoring how American consumer brands remain firmly entrenched in the Chinese market.
Still, Smith acknowledged that tariffs and trade barriers are creating serious difficulties for companies on both sides of the Pacific.
Smith pressed Mayor Gong Zheng on how the U.S.-China tariff war has impacted Shanghai’s economy.
Gong was frank:
“There are no winners in trade wars, but China will fight back if there is a war while remaining open to dialogue.”
He also noted that four rounds of trade-related meetings — in Geneva, Stockholm, London, and Madrid — have already taken place since May, signaling cautious progress in negotiations.
Smith went beyond tariff disputes, calling for a serious debate on rewriting global economic rules:
“China and the U.S. are the two most important players in how we resolve that. How do we get to an international rules-based order that is more agreeable to everyone?”
His remarks highlight an emerging consensus among U.S. lawmakers that the post-war Bretton Woods system — including the IMF, World Bank, and WTO — must evolve to reflect the 21st century balance of power.
Beijing has long argued that the current order disproportionately benefits wealthy nations, especially the U.S. and Europe.
“The collective rise of emerging markets and developing countries necessitates boosting the representation of the Global South.”
Xi Jinping’s government has consistently promoted alternative forums such as BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) while still participating in traditional institutions.
The timing of Smith’s comments also carries a deeper geopolitical undertone:
Smith’s remarks, therefore, serve as a bridge: acknowledging the U.S. frustrations with China while conceding that global institutions must adapt to new realities.
Despite tensions, the trip highlighted the enduring interdependence of the U.S. and Chinese economies.
Business leaders in Shanghai expressed hope that policy adjustments could reduce uncertainty, especially for companies investing long-term in both markets.
Beyond trade, the delegation also stressed the need for U.S.-China military dialogue.
As Smith noted:
“Two of the largest nuclear powers in the world need to be talking to each other, particularly considering the fact that we do have some disagreements.”
This reflects Washington’s concerns over Taiwan, the South China Sea, and cyber operations, all of which risk military miscalculation without open communication.
Smith emphasized that the conversation is not only about the U.S. and China.
The collective rise of emerging markets means that the U.S. and China will increasingly be joined by others in reshaping global economic governance.
Revising global rules will not be easy:
Yet the fact that both Washington lawmakers and Beijing leaders are talking about renegotiation suggests momentum toward eventual compromise.
The congressional delegation’s trip may not have yielded breakthroughs, but it marked a shift in tone.
The road ahead will be fraught with challenges, but the first House delegation to China since 2019 has underscored one simple fact: the U.S. and China may be rivals, but their economic destinies remain deeply intertwined.

China| Planet & Commerce
For years, China’s powerful internet censors have focused on removing political dissent, blocking sensitive historical references, and silencing criticism of the Communist Party leadership. But in a striking new development, Beijing is now turning its focus toward something less overtly political but just as telling — pessimism.
The Cyberspace Administration of China (CAC) announced this week a two-month nationwide campaign against what it calls “negativity” on social media, livestreaming sites, and short-video platforms. The regulator says the goal is to combat “nihilistic” narratives, despair-driven lifestyles, and “defeatist” worldviews spreading online amid China’s prolonged economic slowdown.
China’s economic climate has changed dramatically in recent years:
This grim reality has spawned cultural trends like “lying flat” (tang ping) — a lifestyle where young people reject high-pressure work culture in favor of simplicity and minimalism — and, more recently, “rat people,” who embrace an isolated existence of staying in bed and ordering delivery.
Such terms have become online memes, but for Beijing, they represent a dangerous collective mood that could weaken consumer spending and long-term economic growth.
According to the CAC’s statement, the campaign will target posts and accounts that:
The crackdown also extends to celebrity gossip and “trivial matters” that dominate trending lists, which regulators say distract from “constructive discourse.”
Several major Chinese platforms have already faced penalties this month for failing to control online content:
These companies were accused of allowing harmful information and celebrity hype to dominate conversations. Under the new campaign, they will face stricter oversight and accountability for user content.
The crackdown has already hit influencers who documented “lying flat” lifestyles. Multiple accounts and videos promoting minimalist living, quiet quitting, or despair-laden humor have been removed.
While some creators see their content as harmless self-expression, Beijing views it as socially corrosive in an era when authorities are desperate to restore optimism and encourage young people to work harder, spend more, and marry earlier.
State-run media quickly praised the campaign as a necessary corrective.
“The harm of such maliciously divisive content is significant. It can trigger collective misunderstandings and social panic, marginalize reason and facts, and even spark offline conflicts, causing long-term damage to public order and social trust,” one commentary wrote.
Officials argue that negativity breeds instability and can discourage citizens from pursuing opportunities. By managing public sentiment online, Beijing hopes to rebuild consumer confidence and keep social cohesion intact during tough economic times.
Observers, however, warn that the policy may only mask the problem rather than solve it.
“There appears to be a significant lack of motivation, even pessimism, among Chinese people regarding individual prospects. While the crackdown may change the tone online, general sentiment is less likely to change without better life and career opportunities.”
He emphasized that youth disillusionment is rooted in real issues: high joblessness, poor upward mobility, and declining housing affordability.
Without addressing these, censorship may merely push young people to create new slang terms and coded language to express frustration — a recurring pattern in China’s internet culture.
Already, Chinese netizens have coined new phrases like “rat people” to describe those burrowing into small personal spaces and avoiding public life. This reflects both creativity and resistance.
The cycle highlights how censorship struggles to erase cultural moods that stem from real-world frustrations.
China has set an annual GDP growth target of 5%, but:
For the Communist Party leadership, public pessimism is not just an image problem — it threatens the social contract that underpins its legitimacy: continued economic growth in exchange for political control.
By silencing despair online, Beijing hopes to prevent consumer retrenchment that worsens the slowdown. But the move also signals the government’s sensitivity to online narratives shaping offline behavior.
This campaign against pessimism is part of a broader tightening of digital spaces in China.
The regulator has also called on the public to report cases of negative content, reinforcing a surveillance culture where citizens monitor one another.
Globally, the move is seen as another sign of Beijing’s willingness to engineer public sentiment.
For critics, it underscores the Party’s insecurity amid slowing growth and external pressures like U.S. tariffs and geopolitical tensions. For supporters, it shows determination to guide society through difficult times.
The real test will be whether suppression of negativity can translate into renewed confidence and higher consumption — or whether it simply deepens cynicism.
China’s campaign to silence pessimism marks a new frontier in internet control. It reflects a government acutely aware of the dangers of despair — not just for individuals but for the stability of the economy and the state.
But experts caution that optimism cannot be manufactured by deleting memes. Unless Beijing can create better jobs, affordable housing, and genuine upward mobility, young Chinese will likely keep finding new ways to express their frustrations online — no matter how often censors intervene.
For now, the battle over mood joins the long-running battle over politics in the digital space, highlighting the Party’s conviction that in China’s future, even feelings must be managed.

China| Planet & Commerce
In what many analysts view as a symbolic shift in China’s diplomacy, President Xi Jinping did not personally address the United Nations General Assembly’s 80th anniversary session in New York this week. Instead, Premier Li Qiang — China’s No. 2 leader — represented Beijing, holding a series of high-profile meetings with world leaders.
The absence was notable. China has historically used the UN stage to emphasize its commitment to multilateralism and to counterbalance what it calls U.S. “bullying” in global affairs. Xi spoke at the UN in 2015 and again via video in 2020 during the COVID-19 pandemic. But this year, amid strained U.S.-China relations and with his health and leadership style evolving, Xi chose to remain in Beijing.
Xi’s decision marks a striking contrast to his first seven years in power, when he was a relentless world traveler:
Back then, Xi’s goal was clear: elevate China’s global stature and present himself as an indispensable world statesman.
But after the COVID-19 pandemic, Xi’s travel slowed sharply. He skipped the 2023 G20 Summit in India and this year’s BRICS Summit in Brazil, sending Li Qiang in his place. Analysts believe Xi is deliberately curbing his overseas appearances while consolidating power at home.
Several factors explain Xi’s decision:
Li Qiang’s appearance at the UN marked a coming-of-age moment for China’s premier.
Analysts note that Li is not acting independently but rather as Xi’s envoy.
“He’s acting on Xi’s behalf, and will be able to relay messages between Xi and the world,” said Neil Thomas of the Asia Society Policy Institute.
Even while delegating major speeches, Xi retains control of high-profile issues.
Li Qiang’s rise illustrates Xi’s preference for loyalty over controversy.
Alfred Wu, a political scientist in Singapore, explained:
“It shows how loyalty takes precedence in the Xi era. He’s delegating, but it’s not decentralization. He’s asking people to act on his behalf.”
Analysts argue Xi is shifting toward what Neil Thomas calls a “more oracular leadership style.”
The approach mirrors China’s imperial tradition, where emperors received emissaries at court rather than traveling abroad.
Xi’s reduced travel schedule could reshape how the world engages China:
It is crucial to note that Xi’s delegation does not signal power-sharing.
This ensures that while Li gains visibility, he does not gain independent authority.
Xi Jinping’s absence from the UN General Assembly reflects a new phase of Chinese leadership.
As China navigates trade disputes, climate policy, and global governance debates, the world may increasingly find itself negotiating not directly with Xi, but with the loyal lieutenants he has entrusted to carry his message.
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