Zurich | Planet & Commerce
Record-breaking Los Angeles wildfires and global storms push insured damages toward all-time high, Swiss Re reports
Zurich-based reinsurance titan Swiss Re has warned that 2025 is on pace to become one of the costliest years on record for natural disasters, with economic losses already hitting $135 billion globally in the first half of the year. The grim data, released on Wednesday, reflects a rising trend in catastrophic damage driven by extreme weather events, fueled by climate change and urban sprawl.
Of the total losses from January through June, $80 billion were insured — a figure that nearly doubles the 10-year average and signals growing exposure of high-value assets to climate-related disasters. According to the Swiss Re Institute, the company’s in-house research arm, if current patterns persist, insured losses from natural catastrophes may exceed their 2025 full-year projection of $150 billion — a level that would mark one of the highest on record.
$40 billion wildfire loss in Los Angeles is largest ever recorded
Topping the list of global catastrophes is the January wildfire disaster in Los Angeles, now confirmed by Swiss Re as the most expensive insured wildfire event in history. With an estimated $40 billion in claims, the blaze has eclipsed all previous records, fueled by a perfect storm of meteorological and economic risk factors.
The fires were intensified by weeks of strong winds, prolonged drought, and California’s ongoing development in high-risk zones. In a statement accompanying the report, Swiss Re attributed the severity of the damage to “some of the densest concentration of high-value single-family residential property in the US.”
“Most fire losses originate in the US and particularly in California, where expansion in hazardous regions has been high,” the report noted. Suburban sprawl into wildfire-prone areas, combined with climate-driven temperature increases and erratic rainfall, has turned wildfires into billion-dollar disasters with alarming regularity.
Before 2015, wildfire losses represented just 1% of all insured natural catastrophe claims. In 2025, that figure has skyrocketed to 7% — a trend Swiss Re believes will continue as climate volatility and real estate expansion converge.
Severe storms and earthquakes add billions to insured burdens
Beyond the infernos in Los Angeles, the first half of 2025 also saw staggering storm activity, particularly in North America. Severe thunderstorms contributed $31 billion in insured damages, further burdening an insurance sector already stretched thin by cumulative weather events.
Meanwhile, a powerful earthquake in Myanmar in March — felt across Thailand, India, and parts of China — added to the year’s destructive toll. In Thailand alone, insured losses reached $1.5 billion, underscoring the region’s vulnerability to seismic events.
Overall, man-made disasters such as industrial accidents accounted for an additional $8 billion in economic losses, with $7 billion of those insured.
Second half poses greater risk as hurricane season intensifies
Despite the already massive toll, Swiss Re analysts caution that the worst may be yet to come. Historically, the second half of the year tends to be more catastrophic due to the North Atlantic hurricane season, which has the potential to drive insured losses significantly beyond the $150 billion threshold.
This puts insurers — and the governments that rely on them — on high alert for what could be another record-breaking quarter in disaster finance.
Swiss Re urges global focus on climate mitigation, not just recovery
As the climate crisis continues to reshape risk landscapes globally, Swiss Re’s top economists are emphasizing the need for preventive action rather than reactive spending. In his statement, Jerome Haegeli, the group’s chief economist, called for a fundamental shift in how governments and insurers approach natural disaster preparedness.
“The strongest lever to increase the resilience and safety of communities is to double down on mitigation and adaptation. It’s here that everyone can help reduce losses before they occur,” Haegeli said.
He cited flood control measures like dykes, dams, and barriers as examples of cost-effective resilience strategies. “Our research shows that flood protection can be up to 10 times more cost-effective than post-disaster rebuilding,” he added.
Insurance sector warns of systemic financial risk from climate-driven catastrophes
Beyond the human cost, Swiss Re’s findings reflect growing concerns in the global financial system about the sustainability of insurance markets under accelerating climate pressures. With events like wildfires and hurricanes pushing insurers toward higher premiums or policy pullouts, some vulnerable regions may soon become “uninsurable.”
Analysts warn that continued exposure to multi-billion-dollar disasters may ultimately threaten not just individual companies, but entire economies reliant on stable risk-sharing mechanisms.
From climate to capital: The mounting cost of inaction
With insured losses already near the Swiss Re Institute’s annual projection by mid-year, and with the most volatile months still ahead, the 2025 disaster season serves as both a financial red flag and a moral reckoning. The world, Swiss Re says, must confront the economic cost of climate inaction before those costs become irreversible.
Germany| Planet & Commerce
In a sharp and consequential move, Germany has suspended all military exports to Israel that could be used in its Gaza war campaign. The decision, announced by Chancellor Friedrich Merz on Friday, comes just hours after Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s office confirmed a vote by Israel’s security cabinet to approve a plan for full military takeover of Gaza City—the most populous urban area in the besieged strip.
Germany’s policy change marks one of the most significant international shifts from a close Western ally of Israel since the war began in October 2023. While reaffirming support for Israel’s right to self-defense and the release of hostages held by Hamas, Merz stated clearly that Berlin could no longer justify continued military support amid a deepening humanitarian disaster and a clear shift in Israeli military strategy.
“Under these circumstances, the German government will not authorize any exports of military equipment that could be used in the Gaza Strip until further notice,” said Merz at a press briefing in Berlin.
The Israeli cabinet’s greenlighting of a plan to seize Gaza City represents a drastic escalation in the 22-month-long war, signaling intent to assert total military control over the entire enclave. The move is likely to require the forcible displacement of thousands of civilians, military mobilization on a massive scale, and heightened urban warfare in already devastated regions.
This comes in the backdrop of an increasingly dire humanitarian situation. According to Gaza health authorities, 197 people—96 of them children—have died from malnutrition. Aid organizations report widespread starvation and lack of access to medical care, clean water, and shelter.
An UN-backed food security assessment recently declared that famine is actively unfolding in parts of Gaza, exacerbated by Israel’s continued blockade on the entry of humanitarian supplies.
Despite Israeli claims that humanitarian corridors are maintained, international organizations report consistent obstruction, particularly to the UN and non-governmental aid convoys.
“With the planned offensive, the Israeli government bears even greater responsibility than before for providing for their needs,” Merz stressed.
Though Germany has been one of Israel’s closest military partners—issuing over €485 million ($564 million) in arms export licenses between October 2023 and May 2025—Merz emphasized that the scale and severity of the civilian toll has made continued support untenable.
“The even harsher military action by the Israeli army in the Gaza Strip, approved by the Israeli cabinet last night, makes it increasingly difficult for the German government to see how these goals will be achieved,” Merz said, referring to Israel’s stated aim of defeating Hamas while protecting civilians.
He also issued a direct warning to Israel over its intentions in the occupied West Bank, following a symbolic vote in the Knesset last month supporting annexation of the territory. Merz cautioned that such steps would trigger “irreparable diplomatic consequences” and further destabilize the region.
Israel’s government, however, appears unfazed. Netanyahu’s office released a statement Friday confirming that “the army will prepare to take control of Gaza City while providing humanitarian aid to the civilian population outside the combat zones.”
Critics have labeled this a contradictory message, citing past military operations where aid access was limited or suspended altogether.
The international backlash now includes not only Germany, but also Canada, France, and Australia, each of whom has issued increasingly stern warnings or frozen aspects of military or economic cooperation. Even the United States, Israel’s top military sponsor, has grown more cautious in its language.
Despite these shifts, the Israeli war cabinet remains committed to its current trajectory, stating that any pause or ceasefire without the return of Israeli hostages would be “unacceptable capitulation.”
United Nations humanitarian officials and NGOs on the ground have issued a new round of emergency warnings, stating that unless full and sustained access is granted immediately, the entire civilian population in Gaza could face irreversible famine and mass death.
Deliveries of food, medical supplies, and fuel have been consistently obstructed or delayed, especially in areas close to the planned Israeli operations in Gaza City and surrounding districts.
“This is not a logistics failure. It is a political choice. And civilians are paying the price,” said one UN official under condition of anonymity.
The German government’s latest move is now being hailed by humanitarian organizations as a necessary turning point, though many stress that it must be followed by further concrete action, including diplomatic sanctions and international coordination to enforce humanitarian law.
Germany’s decision could pave the way for other European Union nations to reassess their arms trade with Israel, particularly as evidence of civilian casualties, famine, and infrastructure devastation mounts. Spain, Ireland, and Belgium have already taken more vocal stances against Israel’s military operations in recent months.
The coming EU foreign ministers’ meeting in Brussels may see further calls for a unified arms embargo, or at the very least, a ban on weapons likely to be used in urban offensives.
Germany’s traditionally cautious approach makes its shift even more significant. Chancellor Merz has now drawn a clear distinction between support for Israel’s sovereignty and endorsement of its military strategy in Gaza.
Azerbaijan| Planet & Commerce
United States President Donald Trump has announced he will personally host a landmark peace summit between Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev at the White House this Friday. The summit will culminate in the signing of what is being described as a historic peace agreement, ending decades of violent conflict between the two South Caucasus nations.
Trump took to his social media platform, Truth Social, to announce the event, writing,
“These two Nations have been at War for many years, resulting in the deaths of thousands of people. Many Leaders have tried to end the War, with no success, until now, thanks to ‘TRUMP.’”
This ambitious diplomatic effort is set to not only end a long-standing geopolitical dispute but also unveil a massive US-supported infrastructure project dubbed the “Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity.” According to White House insiders, the corridor will link Azerbaijan to its landlocked exclave Nakhchivan by passing through Armenian territory and will carry rail, oil, gas, and fiber optic lines.
The Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict, rooted in ethnic and territorial disputes over the Nagorno-Karabakh region, dates back to the late 1980s following the collapse of the Soviet Union. While the region had a predominantly ethnic Armenian population, it was internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan, setting the stage for violent clashes that escalated into a war in the early 1990s.
More recently, the 2020 war reignited hostilities as Azerbaijan launched a military campaign to retake Nagorno-Karabakh, culminating in the complete capture of the enclave in September 2023. The aftermath saw the mass exodus of over 100,000 ethnic Armenians, sparking a fresh round of international concern and renewed calls for mediation.
Despite past efforts by Russia, France, and the European Union to negotiate peace, the situation remained fragile until Trump’s renewed engagement this year.
In what senior US officials describe as the “cornerstone of the agreement,” the two sides have agreed to establish a key transit corridor that would traverse a 32-kilometre stretch of Armenian territory—a critical bottleneck that had long held up peace talks.
The corridor is intended to link mainland Azerbaijan with Nakhchivan, enabling uninterrupted economic connectivity for the first time since the early 1990s. The US will receive exclusive leasing rights to the corridor's development and operations and will brand the multi-use pathway as the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity.
According to a US diplomatic source familiar with the agreement,
“The Trump Route will symbolize not just regional stability but also American leadership in conflict resolution and economic integration.”
The planned infrastructure will support rail freight, oil and gas pipelines, and high-speed data transfer through fiber optic lines—positioning the corridor as a major trade and energy artery between Central Asia, the Caucasus, and Europe.
The breakthrough was set in motion in March 2025, when Trump dispatched special envoy Steve Witkoff to lead mediation efforts in the South Caucasus. Witkoff held confidential shuttle diplomacy meetings in both capitals and recently oversaw talks in Abu Dhabi, where preliminary terms were hammered out.
The United Arab Emirates—long a neutral facilitator in global diplomacy—played a central hosting role during those rounds. Their involvement strengthened confidence among both parties and paved the way for this week’s summit in Washington.
The UAE is now also being considered as a future guarantor for implementation of the corridor, according to diplomatic sources.
The signing of the Trump-brokered peace deal carries massive geopolitical weight, particularly as it bypasses traditional regional mediators like Russia, which had long considered the South Caucasus its backyard.
With the conflict cooling under American auspices, the US gains a foothold in Eurasian transit and energy infrastructure, strengthening ties with both Armenia and Azerbaijan—two states that had historically leaned toward Moscow and Tehran for military and economic support.
The Trump administration has described the deal as a “win for peace and prosperity,” not only for the immediate region but for broader transcontinental trade corridors stretching from the Caspian Sea to the Black Sea.
While the upcoming summit is historic, observers caution that many challenges remain. The 2023 capture of Nagorno-Karabakh left a deep scar on Armenian society, and the displacement of over 100,000 people remains unresolved. The agreement does not currently include provisions for return of refugees or autonomy guarantees for ethnic Armenians.
Opposition parties in Yerevan have also raised concerns that the Trump Route could become a permanent instrument of foreign control, threatening Armenian sovereignty. Meanwhile, military hardliners in Baku are urging Aliyev not to concede any ground on national security.
The Trump administration, however, insists that robust monitoring mechanisms and economic incentives embedded in the deal will help both sides see peace as more valuable than continued hostility.
Africa| Planet & Commerce
The British government has agreed to pay nearly $4 million in compensation to thousands of Kenyans affected by a devastating fire caused by its troops during a military training exercise in 2021. The blaze tore through more than 10,000 acres of land in the Lolldaiga Conservancy, leaving behind environmental destruction, health crises, and deep resentment among local communities.
The settlement, revealed in documents obtained by CNN, represents one of the rare instances in which the British Army Training Unit Kenya (BATUK) has been held financially accountable for damage inflicted during decades of operations in the East African country. Yet, for many victims, the compensation has been described as both symbolic and inadequate — a payment that acknowledges suffering without truly addressing the scale of loss.
In March 2021, during a BATUK exercise in Laikipia County, central Kenya, a massive fire broke out and raged for nearly a week. The inferno destroyed wildlife habitats, farmland, and homes, while communities were exposed to toxic smoke and ash.
Eyewitnesses described the region as “a furnace for seven days.” Residents struggled to breathe as dense smoke blanketed villages, while emergency services were overwhelmed. Despite BATUK releasing a video showing British officers attempting to contain the fire, locals reported that the army’s presence in the conservancy had created long-term risks to both human health and biodiversity.
The Lolldaiga Conservancy — once a private ranch turned wildlife reserve — is home to Grevy’s zebras, elephants, buffaloes, lions, hyenas, monkeys, and baboons. Environmental assessments later warned that it would take until 2060 for the land to fully recover.
The UK has agreed to pay £2.9 million ($3.9 million) to 7,723 Kenyans who filed claims related to the fire. However, the settlement agreement, reached after a prolonged legal battle, was made “ex gratia” — meaning the payment was voluntary and not an admission of liability.
For many, the payout fell far short of expectations. Campaigners had sought damages at least 20 times higher, estimating the destruction of land, loss of health, and generational impacts required far greater redress.
Local MP Cate Waruguru expressed frustration:
“It’s a success story because it’s the first time we’ve ever won a case against the British Army in Kenya. But it’s so little it’s almost nothing. The people feel their sweat and struggle have not borne any fruit.”
With some beneficiaries receiving as little as 22,000 Kenyan shillings ($170), protests are already being planned by community leaders.
The class-action lawsuit that led to the settlement was spearheaded by Kelvin Kubai, a 27-year-old lawyer raised in the area. He argued that “military training and conservation are incompatible,” warning that communities cannot thrive while exercises continue in fragile ecosystems.
“This payment is nowhere close to what’s needed,” Kubai said. “The only solution is to move training away from civilian and conservation areas.”
The legal battle was emblematic of a broader fight for accountability. Allegations of abuse, misconduct, and environmental harm have dogged BATUK for decades, including accusations of rape, murder, and forced displacement. A Kenyan parliamentary investigation into BATUK’s operations remains ongoing.
For local communities, the fire was more than an environmental disaster — it became a public health crisis.
Hannah Wanjiku, a grandmother, told CNN through tears:
“My grandchildren are sick, and I have chest problems. We live a difficult life. If we get this money, we will leave.”
Another woman lifted her inhaler and said:
“We all suffer breathing difficulties now. Our lives changed forever after the fire.”
For many, relocation is the only hope of escaping the fallout. “If we get this money, we will leave,” was a common refrain during community meetings.
The British High Commission in Nairobi welcomed the settlement, calling the fire “extremely regrettable,” but refused to confirm whether any BATUK officers faced disciplinary measures.
“The UK has devoted considerable time, effort and resource to resolving these claims for the people affected,” a spokesperson said.
Despite criticism, Britain maintains strong defence ties with Kenya. The British Army pays Kenya about $400,000 annually for training rights and regularly conducts large-scale exercises in Laikipia and Samburu counties.
The Lolldaiga blaze is just one chapter in a long and contentious history between BATUK and Kenyan communities:
While British officials insist they investigate misconduct, critics argue that accountability remains rare, and settlements are designed more to silence dissent than deliver justice.
Environmental experts warn that the Lolldaiga fire inflicted long-term ecological damage:
The fire has also reignited debate about whether military training exercises should be permitted in biodiversity-rich areas. Conservationists argue that the presence of heavy equipment, live ammunition, and troop activity is incompatible with environmental protection.
Kenya faces a dilemma: while BATUK has generated revenue, training opportunities, and diplomatic ties, the social and environmental costs have sparked growing resentment.
Kenyan lawmakers are pushing for tighter oversight of foreign troops, greater transparency in agreements, and stronger safeguards for local communities. Yet, with Kenya a key ally in counterterrorism operations in East Africa, Nairobi is unlikely to sever ties completely.
The settlement highlights the complexity of Britain’s post-colonial military presence in Africa. While London insists its role is based on partnership, critics see it as an unequal relationship where local communities shoulder the risks.
For Kenya, balancing economic benefit, environmental protection, and sovereignty will remain a challenge. For Britain, the incident tarnishes its reputation at a time when it is seeking to redefine global partnerships after Brexit.
The $3.9 million settlement over the Lolldaiga fire represents a partial victory for Kenyan communities long demanding justice. Yet the small payouts and Britain’s refusal to accept liability underscore the limited accountability foreign militaries often face abroad.
The fire’s legacy is twofold: it exposed the fragility of ecosystems under military stress and highlighted the enduring asymmetry in UK-Kenya relations. For residents who lost health, land, and livelihoods, the battle is far from over.
As Kenya debates the role of foreign troops on its soil, the Lolldaiga fire stands as a warning: without accountability, military partnerships risk burning the very ground they claim to protect.
Africa| Planet & Commerce
The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has entered uncharted political and judicial territory as its military prosecutor formally demanded the death penalty for former president Joseph Kabila, who stands accused of treason, homicide, torture, and war crimes linked to the M23 rebellion.
General Lucien Rene Likulia, the country’s military auditor general, on Friday asked judges in Kinshasa to condemn Kabila to death in a case that has transfixed the nation and alarmed international observers. The former president, who led the DRC for nearly two decades, is being tried in absentia after leaving the country in 2023.
The trial marks a rare instance of a former African head of state facing capital charges for war crimes and alleged collusion with foreign powers. It highlights the deepening instability in eastern Congo, where M23 rebels, allegedly backed by Rwanda, have seized control of vast mineral-rich territories.
Kabila’s charge sheet, obtained by AFP, includes an array of serious accusations:
President Felix Tshisekedi has accused Kabila of being the “brains behind M23,” while the government has portrayed the trial as an essential step toward accountability.
From exile, Kabila has condemned the process as politically motivated, declaring:
“The courts are an instrument of oppression.”
His party secretary, Ferdinand Kambere, told Reuters:
“It is an act of relentlessness and persecution against a member of the opposition.”
The DRC government banned Kabila’s party earlier this year and seized his assets, actions seen by his supporters as part of a broader campaign to sideline him.
The M23 insurgency, named after a failed 2009 peace agreement, re-emerged in 2021 after nearly a decade of dormancy. The group has since:
UN experts say Rwanda’s army played a “critical” role in M23’s resurgence. Tshisekedi has repeatedly accused Kigali of seeking to annex mineral-rich territories, a charge Rwanda dismisses as propaganda.
The charge sheet against Kabila alleges that he colluded with Rwanda in order to topple Tshisekedi’s government and reassert political power.
Although he had largely retreated from public life after stepping down in 2018, Kabila resurfaced politically in April 2025, announcing plans to return to the DRC to “help bring peace” to the troubled east.
The government insists that Kabila’s actions confirm his direct involvement with M23 and justify the treason charges.
President Felix Tshisekedi has staked his legitimacy on restoring stability in eastern DRC. By pursuing Kabila, he aims to:
Yet the move is fraught with risks. Critics argue it could inflame tensions, radicalize Kabila’s supporters, and destabilize fragile ceasefires with M23.
The DRC reinstated the death penalty in 2024, ending a decades-long moratorium. While no judicial executions have occurred since, prosecutors have used the penalty as a tool in high-profile cases.
International human rights organisations, including Amnesty International, have condemned the move. They argue that capital punishment undermines prospects for reconciliation and risks being weaponized against political opponents.
If Kabila is sentenced to death, it would set a historic precedent in Africa, making him one of the first ex-heads of state targeted with capital punishment for war crimes.
Kabila’s allies portray the trial as a witch hunt designed to eliminate him as a political threat. His appearance in rebel territory earlier this year is framed by his camp as “a peace mission” rather than collusion.
Benjamin Mbonimpa, M23’s executive secretary, has also distanced the group from Kabila, calling the trial part of a “malevolent strategy” against him.
Yet, given Kabila’s longstanding connections with eastern elites and military factions, suspicions of collusion remain strong.
The case has implications far beyond Kinshasa:
Eastern Congo’s wars have claimed millions of lives over the past three decades. Since M23’s resurgence:
The trial of a former president linked to these atrocities highlights the intertwining of politics, war, and natural resource control in the DRC.
Joseph Kabila came to power in 2001, following the assassination of his father, Laurent Kabila. He ruled until 2018, overseeing:
Even in exile, Kabila retains influence through loyalists embedded in the military, business networks, and political structures.
Legal experts note that trying a former president in absentia presents significant challenges:
Still, prosecutors argue that the symbolic power of a conviction is vital for deterrence and justice.
The demand for the death penalty against Joseph Kabila represents a seismic moment in the DRC’s struggle with war, justice, and democracy. To his accusers, Kabila is a traitor who colluded with Rwanda and fueled atrocities in the east. To his supporters, he is a victim of political persecution at the hands of Tshisekedi’s government.
Whatever the verdict, the case underscores the fragility of Congo’s politics, where armed conflict, foreign interference, and personal rivalries remain deeply entwined.
As eastern DRC bleeds from renewed violence and millions endure displacement, the trial raises a larger question: Can justice against a former president bring peace, or will it deepen the divisions tearing the country apart?
Africa| Planet & Commerce
The fragile hopes of a democratic transition in Guinea have been dealt another blow. On Saturday, the country’s ruling military government suspended the activities of its three largest opposition parties, including that of ousted former President Alpha Conde, just weeks before a critical constitutional referendum scheduled for September 21.
The decision, which comes under the rule of General Mamady Doumbouya, has been widely condemned by civil society groups and opposition leaders as an attempt to consolidate military power under the guise of constitutional reform. For many Guineans, the move deepens fears that Doumbouya’s promise to return the country to civilian rule following his 2021 coup is now in jeopardy.
The decree issued by the junta targeted Guinea’s three most prominent opposition groups:
The order, read out on state television, prohibits the parties from engaging in any political activity for 90 days, covering the entire referendum period.
The junta claimed the suspension was due to the parties’ “failure to meet required obligations,” though it did not specify what obligations had been breached.
In a separate announcement on Friday night, Guinea’s military rulers also delayed the official start of the referendum campaign period, moving it from August 24 to August 31.
The referendum will ask Guineans to vote on a revised constitution that the junta says is designed to return the country to civilian government. However, opposition leaders fear that the new constitution could allow Doumbouya or other junta members to run for office, despite a 2021 transition charter that explicitly banned them from participating in future elections.
The suspension of parties has been described as a serious setback for democracy in Guinea. Opposition leaders argue it eliminates any meaningful competition ahead of the vote and silences dissenting voices.
Cellou Dalein Diallo, leader of the UFDG, condemned the ban, saying it was a “blatant act of repression” meant to stifle the will of the people.
Civil society groups, which had been planning demonstrations beginning September 5, say they will move forward despite the risks. Protests are expected to be met with heavy force, as all demonstrations have been banned since 2022 under Doumbouya’s regime.
Al Jazeera’s West Africa correspondent Nicolas Haque, reporting from Dakar, Senegal, noted that the suspension “strips away any pretence that the transition was actually working to protect democracy.”
“When Colonel Doumbouya came to power in a coup, he promised not only to bolster democracy but to give more space to political parties and civil society. What we’re seeing now is the opposite: three main political parties banned, unable to canvass, to post on social media. For them, it feels like a silencing of their voice.”
Haque added that the measure will likely prompt “more people to take to the streets, confronting security forces.”
Guinea has been under military rule since September 2021, when Colonel Mamady Doumbouya and his special forces ousted Alpha Conde after 10 years in power. Conde had become deeply unpopular after altering the constitution in 2020 to seek a controversial third term, sparking protests and violent clashes.
At the time of the coup, Doumbouya pledged to “rewrite the social contract”, promising to restore civilian rule through a transitional process guided by a transition charter. That charter stated that:
However, three years later, opposition figures say the junta has failed to uphold its commitments, instead pursuing a strategy of tightening control while paying lip service to democratic ideals.
A draft constitution, presented to Doumbouya in June, is at the centre of the current crisis. While the text nominally sets out a framework for civilian rule, it is vague on whether Doumbouya himself could stand for president.
Legal experts say this ambiguity could be deliberate, allowing the junta to reinterpret restrictions in its favor once the referendum passes. Opposition leaders insist this is a blueprint for a disguised military presidency.
So far, international reaction has been muted. The African Union (AU) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) have called for a peaceful transition in Guinea but stopped short of issuing sanctions.
Observers warn that Guinea risks following the path of other West African nations, such as Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, where military juntas have consolidated power under the cover of transition plans.
Western governments have also expressed concerns. The United States and European Union have repeatedly urged Doumbouya to uphold the 2021 commitments and avoid steps that could derail democratic governance.
Guinea’s political history has been dominated by strongmen and coups since independence from France in 1958. The suspension of parties before a referendum reflects a familiar cycle of authoritarianism cloaked in reformist rhetoric.
The suspension of opposition parties heightens the risk of violent unrest in Guinea, a country with a long history of street protests and state repression.
Civil society groups have already called for nationwide demonstrations beginning September 5, just weeks before the referendum. With the opposition silenced and security forces empowered, confrontations appear inevitable.
Guinea’s population, particularly in urban centres like Conakry, has grown increasingly restless over:
The September 21 referendum is now shaping up less as a democratic exercise and more as a test of Doumbouya’s grip on power.
Either way, the suspension of opposition parties has already cast doubt on the credibility of the process.
The suspension of Guinea’s three main opposition parties ahead of a constitutional referendum represents a critical moment for the nation’s fragile democratic hopes. What was once presented as a path toward stability and civilian governance now increasingly looks like a power consolidation strategy by the military junta.
For Guineans, the stakes are clear: whether the September referendum ushers in a return to democracy or entrenches another cycle of authoritarian rule. For Doumbouya, it is a gamble that could secure his legacy as a reformer—or expose him as just another strongman in a region where democracy has long struggled to survive.
Africa| Planet & Commerce
Uganda has emerged as the latest country to sign a controversial deportation deal with the United States, agreeing to temporarily host third-country nationals expelled under President Donald Trump’s aggressive immigration crackdown. The agreement, confirmed by Kampala’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, has been framed as a “temporary arrangement” but already raises sharp questions about trade, sovereignty, and human rights.
While Washington hails the pact as part of its global campaign to “remove uniquely barbaric criminals” and unwanted migrants, analysts argue Uganda’s decision is driven less by humanitarian considerations and more by economic and diplomatic expediency. Facing tariffs on key exports and growing international isolation after its anti-LGBTQ+ law of 2023, Kampala appears eager to get back into Washington’s good books ahead of the 2026 elections.
In a statement issued Thursday, Bagiire Vincent Waiswa, permanent secretary of Uganda’s Foreign Ministry, confirmed that Kampala had struck a deal with Washington to host certain deportees from the US.
Key points of the arrangement include:
“The two parties are working out the detailed modalities on how the agreement shall be implemented,” the ministry said.
The US State Department later confirmed that President Yoweri Museveni discussed the deal with Secretary of State Marco Rubio, alongside negotiations on “migration, reciprocal trade, and commercial ties.”
Just a day earlier, Uganda’s Foreign Minister Henry Okello Oryem had denied the reports, insisting Uganda lacked facilities to accommodate deportees.
“We are talking about cartels: people who are unwanted in their own countries. How can we integrate them into local communities in Uganda?” he told the Associated Press.
Yet, within 24 hours, Kampala’s narrative flipped, signaling that tariffs, visas, and sanctions relief were likely part of the behind-the-scenes bargaining.
Although the Foreign Ministry’s statement did not specify quid pro quos, officials and analysts suggest Uganda is eyeing several benefits:
Rights advocates argue the deal amounts to outsourcing human suffering for trade benefits.
Nicholas Opiyo, a leading Ugandan human rights lawyer, condemned the arrangement:
“We are sacrificing human beings for political expediency. That I can keep your prisoners if you pay me; how is that different from human trafficking?”
Opposition lawmaker Muwada Nkunyingi said the deal was designed to “clear Museveni’s image” before elections, warning the US not to ignore Uganda’s human rights abuses.
Trump’s administration has vowed to deport millions of undocumented migrants, labeling some “uniquely barbaric monsters.”
Rights groups say the policy disproportionately targets African countries with weak human rights protections. Melusi Simelane of the Southern Africa Litigation Centre told Al Jazeera:
“The US is treating Africa like a dumping ground, focusing on countries where rights are already fragile.”
Ironically, Uganda already has one of the world’s most progressive refugee policies. It hosts 1.7 million refugees from South Sudan, Sudan, and the DRC, allowing them to work and move freely.
The UNHCR has praised Kampala’s open-door stance. Yet, critics note the contradiction: while Uganda is lauded for supporting refugees, it is now agreeing to take in deportees rejected by their own governments.
Relations between Uganda and the US soured sharply after Museveni signed the anti-homosexuality bill in 2023.
The deportee deal may represent Kampala’s first step toward repairing ties, even as rights groups insist Washington must not overlook ongoing abuses.
Uganda is not alone. Several countries have quietly struck similar deportation deals:
This trend highlights how the US uses economic leverage to secure cooperation from smaller states.
Neighbouring countries have raised alarms. South Africa summoned Eswatini’s diplomats in August, worried that violent offenders sent there could destabilize the region.
Uganda may face similar scrutiny, especially given its porous borders and history of hosting rebel groups and proxy wars.
Hosting US deportees may bring short-term gains, but it carries risks:
The deportee deal reveals a harsh reality of global politics: trade concessions are being tied to human lives.
For Trump, the deals demonstrate “toughness on immigration.” For Museveni, they offer a pathway to tariff relief and political rehabilitation. But for deportees, the arrangement leaves them in legal limbo — neither recognized as refugees nor fully accepted as residents.
Uganda’s decision to accept deportees from the US underscores the intersection of migration policy, trade, and political survival. In exchange for hosting people unwanted elsewhere, Kampala hopes to reduce tariffs, revive exports, and restore Western legitimacy.
But the price is steep: the arrangement risks turning Uganda into a dumping ground for unwanted migrants, while glossing over its own human rights record.
As elections approach in 2026, Museveni is betting that Washington’s goodwill will outweigh domestic dissent. Yet, the question lingers: will the short-term gains of tariff relief and aid outweigh the long-term costs of sacrificing rights and sovereignty?
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