
Philippines | Planet & Commerce
The Philippines is bracing for the arrival of Typhoon Uwan (international name Fung-Wong), which has intensified rapidly over the Philippine Sea, prompting the state weather bureau PAGASA to raise Tropical Cyclone Wind Signal No. 2 over parts of Luzon and Visayas. Uwan’s intensification follows the departure of Typhoon Tino (Kalmaegi), which exited the Philippine Area of Responsibility (PAR) and is now approaching Vietnam. Meteorologists warned that Uwan may develop into a super typhoon by Saturday evening or early Sunday, with possible landfall over northern or central Luzon late Sunday or early Monday. Authorities have issued flood, wind, and storm surge warnings across the eastern seaboards as the system continues to gain strength.
According to PAGASA weather specialist John Manalo, Typhoon Tino’s center was last located 525 km west-northwest of Pag-asa Island, Kalayaan, Palawan. He said only the trough or tail-end of Tino continues to affect parts of Palawan and Tawi-Tawi.
“Within this day, we expect Tino to make landfall in Vietnam,” Manalo said during a Thursday evening briefing.
“It has already exited the country’s tropical cyclone information domain, and only its tail is bringing scattered rains over Palawan.”
Tino’s exit cleared the way for a new system — Tropical Storm Fung-Wong, which has since intensified and entered the country’s monitoring zone as Typhoon Uwan.
Initially stationary outside the PAR, Fung-Wong was upgraded to Typhoon Uwan after rapidly strengthening while moving west-northwestward across the Philippine Sea. As of 4:00 a.m. Saturday, November 8, Uwan’s center was estimated at 985 kilometers east of Eastern Visayas, with maximum sustained winds of 130 kph near the center and gusts of up to 160 kph. Its central pressure was measured at 965 hPa, and its circulation extended up to 780 kilometers from the center.
“Uwan is expected to further intensify into a super typhoon by Saturday evening or early Sunday,” PAGASA warned in its latest advisory.
“It will continue to move west-northwestward at 25 kph and may make landfall over northern or central Luzon on Monday.”
PAGASA noted that Uwan’s cloud band has expanded significantly, suggesting a large and symmetrical circulation typical of rapidly intensifying tropical systems.
PAGASA has raised Tropical Cyclone Wind Signal No. 2 over several eastern provinces, while the rest of Luzon and Visayas remain under Signal No. 1 as Uwan approaches.
Luzon:
Visayas:
Residents in these areas may experience minor to moderate damage to structures and vegetation, with winds of up to 88 kph and occasional power disruptions.
Luzon:
Cagayan (including Babuyan Islands), Isabela, Quirino, Nueva Vizcaya, Apayao, Abra, Kalinga, Mountain Province, Ifugao, Benguet, Ilocos Norte, Ilocos Sur, La Union, Pangasinan, Aurora, Nueva Ecija, Bulacan, Tarlac, Pampanga, Zambales, Bataan, Metro Manila, Cavite, Laguna, Batangas, Rizal, Quezon (including Polillo Islands), Camarines Norte, Camarines Sur, Albay, Sorsogon, Masbate (including Ticao and Burias Islands), Marinduque, Romblon, Mindoro (Oriental and Occidental including Lubang Islands), and the Calamian Islands.
Visayas:
Rest of Northern Samar, Samar, Eastern Samar, Biliran, Leyte, Southern Leyte, northern and central Bohol, northern and central Cebu (including Bantayan and Camotes Islands), northern Negros Occidental, northern and central Iloilo, Capiz, Aklan, and northern Antique (including Caluya Islands).
Mindanao:
Dinagat Islands and Surigao del Norte.
PAGASA forecasts that Typhoon Uwan will produce strong to gale-force winds over eastern sections of the Visayas and Mindanao starting Saturday evening, spreading toward Luzon by Sunday night.
“By Saturday evening or early Sunday, Uwan may already reach super typhoon strength,” the bureau said. “Signal No. 5 cannot be ruled out during its passage over Northern Luzon.”
Heavy to torrential rainfall is expected over Bicol Region, Northern Samar, Eastern Samar, and Leyte provinces, possibly leading to flooding and rain-induced landslides in upland communities. On Monday, Luzon and Visayas may experience widespread heavy rains, with potential for disruptions in power and communication lines.
PAGASA has also issued a storm surge warning, saying life-threatening surges exceeding 3 meters are likely in low-lying coastal areas within 48 hours, especially along:
A gale warning is up over the northern and eastern seaboards of Luzon and the eastern coastlines of the Visayas, where wave heights may reach 10 to 14 meters, particularly along Catanduanes, Albay, and Sorsogon.
“Sea conditions are expected to be dangerous to all vessels,” PAGASA said. “Mariners of small boats and motorbancas are strongly advised to remain in port until conditions improve.”
Uwan is projected to maintain its west-northwestward track until Monday, before veering north-northwestward by Tuesday, November 11, as it interacts with a high-pressure ridge over the Pacific. The typhoon’s center is forecast to make landfall over the southern portion of Isabela or northern Aurora late Sunday night or early Monday morning. After traversing Northern Luzon’s mountainous terrain, Uwan is expected to re-emerge over the West Philippine Sea by Monday afternoon. Meteorologists caution that interaction with the Sierra Madre mountain range could weaken the system slightly, but it may reintensify once it moves back over open waters.
The National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Council (NDRRMC) has issued alerts across Regions II, V, and VIII, mobilizing rescue units, medical teams, and relief stocks. Local governments have started preemptive evacuations in flood-prone and coastal areas, especially in Catanduanes, Northern Samar, and Aurora. Airlines and shipping companies have been advised to monitor advisories closely, as flight and ferry cancellations are expected once Signal No. 3 or higher is raised.
“Communities in high-risk areas should prepare for prolonged rainfall, possible flash floods, and strong winds,” PAGASA warned. “Residents near coastal zones must heed local evacuation orders once storm surges threaten.”
Meanwhile, Typhoon Tino — which earlier brushed the western Philippines — is expected to weaken over mainland Vietnam after landfall late Thursday. Its outer rainbands continue to bring scattered showers to Palawan and parts of Mindanao, but the system no longer poses a significant threat to the country. Meteorologists said that the exit of Tino has allowed Uwan to fully dominate regional atmospheric circulation, drawing energy from warm sea surface temperatures exceeding 30°C, conditions favorable for super typhoon formation.
“Fung-Wong (Uwan) is now the dominant system over the Philippine Sea,” said forecaster Manalo. “All indicators show rapid intensification ahead.”
PAGASA expects Typhoon Uwan to reach super typhoon intensity by Saturday night, with sustained winds potentially exceeding 200 kph near its core. The system’s trajectory closely mirrors that of Typhoon Goni (Rolly) in 2020, though its initial size and structure appear broader, suggesting a wider wind field. By Tuesday, the storm is expected to move northward toward Taiwan or southern Japan, gradually weakening as it enters cooler waters. Authorities continue to monitor the storm’s path, urging the public to stay alert for hourly bulletins as conditions evolve.

Pakistan | Planet & Commerce
Months after a bruising four-day confrontation with India under Operation Sindoor, Pakistan is set to constitutionally restructure its armed forces, establishing a powerful unified command system under a new post — the Commander of Defence Forces (CDF). The proposed reform, modeled in part on India’s own Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) structure, would integrate command and coordination across Pakistan’s Army, Navy, and Air Force. However, the planned overhaul is also being seen as a major consolidation of military power, further diminishing civilian oversight and elevating Army Chief General Asim Munir to potentially the most powerful position in Pakistan’s modern history. The move comes through the 27th Constitutional Amendment, which seeks to amend Article 243 of Pakistan’s Constitution — a change that will legally enshrine the military’s primacy in governance, reducing the federal government’s direct control over the armed forces.
Pakistan’s decision follows lessons drawn from its brief but devastating clash with India in May 2025, which exposed glaring weaknesses in coordination among its armed services. The confrontation, triggered by Indian precision air and drone strikes on terrorist infrastructure inside Pakistan and Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir (PoK), lasted four days. India’s Operation Sindoor came after Pakistani-trained militants massacred 26 civilians in Pahalgam, Jammu and Kashmir. According to India’s Press Information Bureau, the campaign demonstrated the “strength of jointness and strategic foresight” in India’s military command, which has been unified since the creation of the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) and the implementation of Integrated Theatre Commands. Pakistan’s Director General of Military Operations (DGMO) eventually contacted his Indian counterpart to seek a ceasefire after heavy losses to infrastructure and failed retaliatory drone and missile strikes. Indian forces reportedly neutralized most of Pakistan’s aerial threats and destroyed several key military runways and command centers, exposing deep vulnerabilities. This, Pakistani media say, has “inspired” Islamabad’s move to unify command and streamline defense decision-making.
Under the 27th Amendment, Pakistan plans to create the Commander of Defence Forces (CDF) — a new, constitutionally mandated post that will oversee all three services of the armed forces. The goal, as officials claim, is to improve “coordination and integration in joint operations” amid the demands of modern warfare.
“Consultations on amending Article 243 are underway — defence requirements have evolved,” said Defence Minister Khawaja Asif on November 5, confirming that the amendment is being drafted “through mutual consultation.”
The change would modify Article 243, which currently states:
“The Federal Government shall have control and command of the Armed Forces,” and that “the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces shall vest in the President.”
By introducing the CDF role, Pakistan would effectively transfer significant operational authority from the President and the Prime Minister’s Council of Ministers to a unified military command, led by a single top general.
Observers in Islamabad say the proposed change will cement the military’s dominance and potentially allow Army Chief Field Marshal Asim Munir to transition into the new Commander of Defence Forces role when he retires from the army later this month. Under the new structure, Munir could continue wielding overarching control over the armed forces with a constitutionally defined mandate — beyond the tenure limits of the Army Chief’s post. Sources quoted by Geo News and The News International suggest that Munir’s appointment as CDF is being discussed quietly within the corridors of power. Critics argue that the Sharif government’s decision effectively cedes constitutional space to the military establishment.
“If the amendment goes through, it will formalize what was long an open secret — the military’s supremacy over Pakistan’s civilian institutions,” said a senior political analyst in Karachi.
The 27th Amendment Bill, still awaiting formal presentation in Parliament, is expected to pass with conditional backing from the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), led by President Asif Ali Zardari, despite internal resistance within the ruling coalition.
The Geo News report outlines how the amendment would reshape Pakistan’s power hierarchy:
If enacted, this will mark the most significant constitutional re-engineering of Pakistan’s military-civil relationship since the 1973 Constitution was adopted.
“The CDF will be the most powerful military post Pakistan has ever created,” noted Islamabad-based defence analyst Lt. Gen. (Retd.) Talat Masood. “It will institutionalize what has long been a de facto reality — the military calling the shots.”
The timing of Pakistan’s move is not coincidental. On May 28, India notified new rules for unified command across its Army, Navy, and Air Force to bolster Inter-Services Organisations (ISOs) — a framework that ensures synchronized operations under the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS).
India’s CDS, created in December 2019, serves as the principal military adviser to the government and is tasked with promoting jointness in procurement, logistics, training, and strategic planning. New Delhi’s ongoing establishment of Integrated Theatre Commands (ITCs) has transformed its operational efficiency, enabling faster joint responses to cross-border and high-intensity conflicts like Operation Sindoor. Pakistan’s own effort mirrors this evolution but comes under vastly different political conditions — where civilian institutions remain weak, and the military’s role in policymaking is already entrenched.
The proposed amendment has revealed growing friction between Pakistan’s political allies. The PPP, which opposes giving greater constitutional legitimacy to military control, initially resisted the amendment. However, sources indicate that Zardari’s party may offer conditional support after negotiations with the PML-N-led government of Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif. While Defence Minister Khawaja Asif insists that the reform will “modernize military coordination,” opposition leaders argue it effectively dismantles civilian supremacy — a foundational principle of parliamentary democracy.
“This is not defense reform — it’s constitutional surrender,” said a senior PPP lawmaker, requesting anonymity.
For decades, Pakistan’s military has been the ultimate power broker, influencing — and at times toppling — civilian governments. Since independence, no Prime Minister has ever completed a full five-year term, largely due to military interference or political engineering. However, the proposed CDF position is unique: it institutionalizes military dominance through constitutional authority, ensuring that future civilian administrations cannot easily reverse the chain of command. Political analysts view the move as a continuation of Pakistan’s military evolution, where each crisis — from economic collapse to conflict with India — reinforces the military’s legitimacy in the eyes of the state apparatus.
The short but high-intensity India-Pakistan confrontation in May appears to have been the trigger point for Islamabad’s structural rethink. During the conflict, India’s joint theatre operations allowed it to conduct precision strikes deep into Pakistani territory, neutralize drone and missile threats, and cripple key military installations. The operation also demonstrated India’s ability to coordinate space, cyber, and air assets under unified command — a capacity Pakistan lacked. Pakistan’s fragmented response and communication breakdowns between its services led to severe strategic disarray, with the Pakistani Air Force and Army operating without real-time coordination. The episode, analysts say, was a wake-up call for Rawalpindi.
“Pakistan learned the hard way that modern warfare requires jointness, speed, and integration — areas where India has already advanced significantly,” said a retired senior PAF officer to Dawn News.
While the government claims the reform is about efficiency and integration, critics see it as a constitutional coup in slow motion. By empowering the CDF, the amendment will legitimize the military’s overriding authority, ensuring that no civilian government can challenge defense decisions in the future. For Field Marshal Asim Munir, the change could extend his influence well beyond his formal retirement date of November 28, allowing him to transition from Chief of Army Staff to Commander of Defence Forces — the de facto military head of Pakistan under a new constitutional identity.

Bangladesh | Planet & Commerce
In a move described as “historic and irreversible”, Bangladesh’s interim government has approved a draft ordinance prescribing the death penalty for perpetrators of enforced disappearances, marking one of the most dramatic legal overhauls since the ouster of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. The new law comes amid ongoing trials of Hasina and 15 serving military officers accused of crimes against humanity during the violent unrest that engulfed the nation last year. The ordinance — expected to take effect following President Mohammad Shahabuddin’s assent — will not only criminalize secret detentions but also mandate expedited trials for those accused of participating in or facilitating enforced disappearances. Officials have confirmed that the ordinance is likely to apply directly to the ongoing International Crimes Tribunal (ICT-BD) proceedings against Hasina and several members of her former cabinet.
Announcing the decision, Shafiqul Alam, press secretary to Chief Adviser Dr. Muhammad Yunus, told reporters that the interim administration’s advisory council, functioning as the de facto cabinet, had approved the draft ordinance on Thursday.
“This is a landmark law. It will ensure that enforced disappearances never occur again in the country,” Alam said at a press briefing in Dhaka.
“It criminalizes the establishment of secret detention centers such as the so-called Aynaghar and mandates that trials under this law must conclude within 120 days of the filing of charges.”
Under the new framework, the courts will have to deliver judgments within four months, and anyone found guilty of orchestrating or facilitating enforced disappearances could face capital punishment or life imprisonment, depending on the severity of the offense. The law explicitly targets state actors accused of extrajudicial detentions, secret imprisonment, and custodial deaths — practices that have long tainted Bangladesh’s law enforcement and intelligence apparatus.
The passage of the ordinance comes as Bangladesh’s International Crimes Tribunal (ICT-BD) continues hearings in one of the most politically charged trials in the nation’s history. The tribunal’s chief prosecutor on October 16 sought the death penalty for Sheikh Hasina, labeling her the “mastermind and principal architect” of the crimes against humanity committed during the student-led mass protests of 2024. Hasina, 78, was ousted from power in August 2024 after months of violent demonstrations led by students and civil society groups demanding accountability for government corruption, police brutality, and enforced disappearances. The UN Human Rights Office reported that up to 1,400 people were killed between July 15 and August 15, 2024, as Hasina’s security forces cracked down on dissent. Hasina is now being tried in absentia alongside several of her ministers, while 15 serving army officers — accused of carrying out the disappearances and extrajudicial killings — have appeared before the tribunal following weeks of legal wrangling between the military and the interim administration.
The ICT-BD’s decision to try the 15 officers — all currently serving in the military — in a civil tribunal rather than a court-martial under the Army Act has created deep friction between the army leadership and the Yunus-led interim government. The Bangladesh Army initially resisted the tribunal’s October 8 arrest warrants, citing jurisdictional issues. The officers were detained within the Dhaka Cantonment under military custody and were only produced before the tribunal on October 22, following repeated warnings from the prosecutor’s office that they would otherwise be declared fugitives. In a rare public statement, Brigadier General Mustafizur Rahman addressed the issue at a press conference:
“There is no problem of legality, but rather a question of interpretation, as it can be understood in various ways.”
The military, while complying with the tribunal’s directives, has since kept the accused officers in a makeshift detention facility within Dhaka Cantonment — not in an ordinary prison — a move that underscores the sensitive civil-military balance surrounding the case.
Legal experts say the Enforced Disappearance Ordinance could significantly reshape Bangladesh’s political and military landscape, both by expanding the scope of accountability and by challenging the culture of impunity that flourished under Hasina’s long rule. The law also targets secret detention facilities, including those linked to the infamous Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI) and Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) — both accused by international human rights groups of operating extrajudicial prisons such as Aynaghar, where hundreds of activists and journalists were allegedly held without trial. The ordinance mandates:
Human rights advocates have cautiously welcomed the decision, but some remain skeptical about its implementation, warning that political motivations could overshadow justice.
“The spirit of the law is commendable, but applying it selectively — especially during politically sensitive trials — could undermine its credibility,” said Barrister Tanvir Ahmed, a Dhaka-based constitutional lawyer.
Critics of the interim government argue that the law’s timing, coming just as Sheikh Hasina faces capital charges, raises suspicions of political retribution disguised as justice reform. Hasina’s supporters within the Awami League have condemned the ordinance as a “vindictive act by an unelected regime” aimed at permanently eliminating her from politics. Party spokespersons argue that Hasina’s alleged involvement in disappearances and extrajudicial killings has never been independently verified and that the ICT-BD has become a “political instrument of convenience.” The interim government, however, insists the reforms are part of a broader accountability framework designed to prevent future abuses by any political regime.
“This ordinance is not about Sheikh Hasina; it is about ensuring no government, past or future, can use state machinery to disappear its citizens,” a senior official told The Daily Star.
The ordinance’s enforcement against serving military officers has put the Bangladesh Army in an unprecedented position — having to comply with civilian court rulings while grappling with uncertainty over the status of its own personnel. Army spokespersons have stated that the government has not yet clarified whether the 15 accused officers remain on active duty or are suspended pending trial. This ambiguity has strained relations between the military and the interim government, both of which rely on each other for stability amid ongoing political volatility. Analysts suggest that Chief Adviser Yunus’s administration is walking a tightrope between justice and institutional confrontation, aware that excessive pressure on the military could trigger backlash in a country where the armed forces have historically wielded decisive political power.
The International Crimes Tribunal of Bangladesh (ICT-BD) was originally established in 2010 to prosecute collaborators who assisted Pakistan’s army during the 1971 Liberation War. The tribunal’s latest phase — trying contemporary crimes like enforced disappearances — represents a dramatic evolution in its scope. The third amendment to the ICT-BD law expanded its jurisdiction to include crimes committed by state actors after independence. It also stipulates that any individual charged under the Act will be immediately disqualified from holding public or military office. This means the 15 accused army officers may be automatically removed from service once the ordinance is signed into law, even before the trial’s conclusion — a move likely to deepen tensions within the armed forces.
Bangladesh’s new law represents both a reckoning and a risk. It acknowledges decades of state-sanctioned disappearances — particularly under Hasina’s 15-year rule — but also raises the specter of selective prosecution and institutional polarization. International rights groups, including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, have long documented cases of abduction and secret detention involving the RAB, police intelligence units, and paramilitary forces. Between 2009 and 2023, hundreds of citizens — including opposition activists, journalists, and students — went missing, with families receiving no answers. Now, for the first time, Bangladesh’s legal system is attempting to address this dark history through punitive legislation. Whether it brings genuine justice or political revenge will depend on the transparency of the trials and the independence of the judiciary.

Indonesia | Planet & Commerce
Indonesian authorities are investigating the twin explosions at a Jakarta mosque that left more than 50 people injured, after police discovered powder traces suspected to be explosive material at the site. The blasts occurred during Friday prayers at a North Jakarta high school mosque, plunging students and worshippers into chaos and raising fears of a possible deliberate attack. Police officials confirmed on Saturday that a 17-year-old student from the same school has been identified as the main suspect, currently recovering from injuries sustained during the explosions. Investigators say early evidence — including written materials, chemical traces, and electronic devices — suggests the incident may have involved homemade explosive substances.
The explosions erupted around 12:15 p.m. local time (0515 GMT) on Friday, November 7, just as students were gathering for midday prayers. Witnesses described scenes of panic and confusion as two successive blasts shook the mosque’s interior.
“It immediately turned chaotic at the school — everyone ran outside to the field,” said 16-year-old Muhammad Rizky Muzaffar, who was inside the building when the blast occurred. “Many of the students were injured, and a lot of them were taken straight to the hospital.”
The explosions reportedly originated beneath the prayer mats near the rear section of the mosque, an area typically crowded during Friday congregations.
“At first, we thought it came from some electronic equipment, maybe the sound system,” recalled Kinza Ghaisan Rayyan, a 17-year-old student, speaking to AFP from a hospital bed. “But it turned out the explosion came from under the prayer mat.”
Jakarta police confirmed that at least 54 people were injured, including several in critical condition. Of them, 33 are still receiving medical treatment across multiple hospitals. Emergency response teams, assisted by bomb disposal units and forensic investigators, quickly cordoned off the mosque area, collecting debris and analyzing chemical residues. Police Chief Listyo Sigit Prabowo, who visited the victims in hospital, said evidence gathered so far suggests the presence of a potential explosive compound.
“Several pieces of supporting evidence were found — written materials and some powder that could have potentially caused an explosion,” Prabowo said at a press briefing. “We are gathering additional information from social media, family members, and school records to understand the motive and sequence of events.”
The suspect, who reportedly sustained burns and shrapnel wounds, underwent surgery on Friday evening. Prabowo confirmed on Saturday that his condition had stabilized.
“The suspect’s condition is improving, and hopefully this will make things easier for us when needed,” he said.
Authorities have yet to confirm whether the explosions were intentional or accidental. While some early findings indicate the possible use of homemade explosive powder, officials have urged caution against premature conclusions. Lodewijk Freidrich Paulus, the Deputy Coordinating Minister for Politics and Security, emphasized the need for restraint.
“Don’t jump to the conclusion that this is a terrorist act,” Paulus told reporters, according to the state-run Antara News Agency. “The investigation is ongoing, and we are reviewing all possibilities.”
The National Police’s Counter-Terrorism Unit (Densus 88) and Jakarta’s Bomb Squad have been deployed to analyze the chemical compounds recovered from the mosque. Forensic teams were seen collecting samples using plastic evidence bags placed on damaged prayer rugs and examining potential trigger mechanisms.
“We found powdery material consistent with low-grade explosive mixtures,” one investigator told local media under condition of anonymity. “We are testing for potassium nitrate and sulfur residues, often used in improvised devices.”
The 17-year-old suspect, identified only by his initials due to age, is a student at the school adjacent to the mosque. Authorities are now probing his social media history and recent communications to determine whether he had any links to extremist content or online groups. Police sources told Jakarta Post that handwritten notes and printed documents referencing “faith,” “purity,” and “sacrifice” were found among his belongings, though investigators stressed these could reflect personal writings rather than organized ideology. Neighbors described the suspect as “quiet but intelligent,” and teachers reportedly noted no prior behavioral issues. However, classmates said he had recently “become withdrawn” and “interested in chemistry experiments.”
“He liked mixing substances in bottles and bringing them to class,” one student told reporters. “We thought it was harmless — just science projects.”
Families of the victims have expressed shock at the incident, demanding clarity from the authorities. Police have set up assistance posts at two hospitals — Koja Hospital and Tarakan Hospital — to help relatives locate missing or injured loved ones. Ferdi Ibrahim, whose younger brother was among those hurt, described a frantic search:
“I panicked right away when I heard about the explosion. Finally, I got a call from my sibling’s teacher — they were already in the hospital’s emergency room.”
At Koja Hospital, medical staff confirmed that most injuries were caused by blast pressure and flying debris, though none appeared to be from metal fragments typically associated with high-grade bombs. Community leaders in North Jakarta have appealed for calm and cooperation. Imam Ahmad Rasyid, who oversees the school’s mosque, said,
“This is a tragedy that has shaken our faith and our sense of safety. The mosque is supposed to be a place of peace — we must now find out how this could happen.”
Indonesia’s Coordinating Ministry for Human Development and Culture has called for a comprehensive review of safety measures at schools and mosques. The Religious Affairs Ministry has also announced plans to issue new guidelines for mosque security, particularly during student gatherings and prayer sessions. The Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI), the country’s top Islamic authority, condemned the blasts and urged authorities to handle the suspect “with justice and compassion” given his age, while stressing that any act endangering worshippers must be “punished according to the law.”
“No faith permits violence inside a place of worship,” said MUI spokesperson Anwar Abbas. “If this was intentional, it is both a crime and a grave sin.”
Indonesia, the world’s largest Muslim-majority nation, has a long and painful history with bomb-related incidents, though the frequency of large-scale attacks has declined significantly over the past decade. The 2002 Bali bombings, which killed over 200 people, marked the country’s deadliest terror attack and prompted years of intense counter-terror operations. Since then, Indonesia has faced sporadic incidents — including small-scale explosions in mosques, police stations, and public spaces — often linked to radicalized individuals or lone actors. Authorities say the Jakarta school mosque explosions appear different from previous terror plots, given the suspect’s youth and the absence of any known extremist affiliation. Nevertheless, the incident has renewed concerns about youth radicalization, access to explosive materials, and security in religious institutions.
National Police have urged the public to refrain from speculation and instead assist by sharing credible information.
“We are investigating all angles — from technical malfunction to deliberate intent,” said Jakarta Police Chief Asep Edi Suheri. “Our priority is the safety of the students and the community.”
Security analysts have noted that Indonesia’s counter-terrorism protocols have grown sophisticated since the early 2000s but warned that online radical content and unmonitored chemical purchases pose a persistent risk. The ongoing forensic analysis will determine the composition of the powder, which police suspect could be a mixture of potassium chlorate, sulfur, and aluminum dust — ingredients often found in low-grade homemade explosives. Officials expect a preliminary forensic report within days. Meanwhile, the school has suspended all classes and religious activities until further notice, while local authorities tighten security across Jakarta’s educational and religious centers.
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